Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee

Review of Redundant and Unclear Legislation
Review of the Vagrancy Act 1966

Transcript of Evidence - 31 May 2002

Committee Members:
The Hon. C.A. Strong MLC (Chairman)
Mrs E.J. Beattie MLA
Mr C. Carli MP
The Hon. R.R.C. Maclellan MLA
The Hon. A.P. Olexander MLC

Staff:
Dr David Blumenthal, Consultant
Mr Simon Dinsbergs, Assistant Executive Officer

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Witnesses:

Victoria Police

Police Association Victoria

Public Interest Law Clearing House

Victoria Legal Aid

Hanover Welfare Services

Criminal Bar Association

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Victoria Police
Acting Commander P. Ditchburn, Corporate Policy Division;
Detective Inspector B. Sitlington, Tactical Response Squad;
Detective Senior Sergeant P. Chidgey, Tactical Response Squad; and
Acting Inspector A. O’Connor, Legislative Review and Proposals


The CHAIRMAN — I will start proceedings by declaring this meeting of the Redundant Legislation Subcommittee of the Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee open. Today we are holding an inquiry into the Vagrancy Act 1966 and we are taking submissions from various witnesses. I would like to welcome our first witnesses from Victoria Police.

I need to make a few preliminary comments. This is a public hearing of a parliamentary committee and as such the normal privileges of Parliament are in place — that is, anything that is said in here is covered by parliamentary privilege. However, once you go outside it is the same as for all of us and that privilege no longer applies. Hansard are here today to take down the transcript of your evidence to the committee. That will be forwarded to you in due course just to ensure that to the extent they are normally very accurate they remain accurate today. With those few introductory comments I wonder if you would mind each introducing yourselves and swearing an oath or affirmation.

Thank you for coming and talking to us this morning and thank you also for your submission which has, as we expected, homed in on a couple of key issues. I wonder if you would like to make some introductory comments before we start asking some questions?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — I would like to thank you for the opportunity to address the committee. The review's aim of clarifying the relevance of current legislation and allowing interested parties to comment is appreciated. At the outset I would like to explain my role and introduce Acting Inspector Tony O'Connor, Detective Inspector Bob Sitlington and Detective Senior Sergeant Peter Chidgey. I am currently the manager of the corporate policy division. It includes legislative review and proposals, research and development, policy development procedures, project management coordination and drug and alcohol policy coordination. Acting Inspector Tony O'Connor is attached to legislative review and proposals. He has been responsible for coordinating the submission we forwarded to the committee. Detective Inspector Sitlington and Detective Senior Sergeant Chidgey are attached to the tactical response squad. I have asked them to accompany me to provide a practical perspective and insight into the operation of the consorting provisions in particular.

The Vagrancy Act contains provisions which Victoria Police consider to be important tools to assist in creating a safer society. The act is important because it collates legislation aimed at preventing offences before they are committed. It also directly links them to important provisions such as section 9, which allows evidence of bad character to be alleged and section 17, which protects those acting under instructions from the police such as those in an undercover situation. We would also like to caution that where provisions are relocated the impact of this linked legislation is not lost.

As we indicate in our submission, the value of an existing provision should not be established totally on the basis of the number of prosecutions launched. Detective Inspector Sitlington will be able to provide a particular example of this principle, how it works in practice and why the numbers may not be very large. Victoria Police agrees that the act needs to be updated and modernised and that certain offences may no longer be relevant and should be repealed. However, we urge the committee to take the opportunity to increase the relevance of certain offences in response to the changing dynamics of crime in the community. In particular, we urge that offences relating to loitering and consorting be retained and expanded to include drug traffickers.

In view of these issues and without iterating our original submission, our key recommendations are that those offences relating to consorting should be retained and expanded to include drug traffickers; begging or gathering of alms should be retained as this behaviour remains a significant concern, particularly in the Melbourne central business district, and police have the resources to deal with these sorts of issues; and that provisions relating to ‘article of disguise’ and ‘found disguise’ should be retained as this sort of behaviour is not adequately covered by the law of attempt and is an important justification for police intervention, and the onus still remains with police to prove intent.

In relation to loitering, Victoria Police agrees with the committee’s proposal to simplify the definition regarding where an offence may occur but suggests that, as with consorting, the provisions should be extended to include drug traffickers. The additional requirement of the performance of an act with the intent to commit an offence in furtherance of an indictable offence is considered overly onerous given that the proof of loiter already places — quite properly — substantial demands on the prosecution to prove its case. There is a substantial body of law in relation to loiter; it is not a matter of a simple dictionary definition as some people perhaps view it. We suggest possession of implement of housebreaking under the Vagrancy Act should be retained as it has a broader application than the analogous offences under the Crimes Act.

They are my overall views of the aspects of the Vagrancy Act which Victoria Police would like to highlight. Acting Inspector O’Connor can provide more detail on the legal specifics and Detective Inspector Sitlington can provide you with a detailed explanation of how these sorts of provisions in relation to consorting are applied.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you. One of the things that has come through from some of the other submissions that perhaps you could touch on is this ‘consorting report’, if that is the right word, where you require a significant history of consorting to proceed. Are you going to explain that?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Consorting is an offence that is used in a very strategic way. Perhaps I can ask Inspector Sitlington to explain how it is applied.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — Victoria Police has its own internal controls in relation to consorting which stem from the legislative statements made. These internal controls mean that certain numbers of consorting reports have to occur over a specific period of time for it to be available. They are: 9 reports within one month, or 12 reports within three months. Maybe I should explain where the tactical response squad comes in. The squad and the officer in charge of it are responsible for the authorisation under these internal controls of each brief. That provides a consistency throughout the state and ensures that the legislation has been applied in a consistent manner. We explore every brief as it is produced and go through each and every consorting report and ensure that it is a fair and just prosecution before it is authorised.

Acting Insp. O'CONNOR — If I can interrupt for a moment: is the committee aware of what we mean by a consorting report as such? Perhaps I should explain that.

The CHAIRMAN — We have heard it referred to and seen statistics in terms of 9 per month or 12 in three months, but we are not aware of exactly what is in it and what it says.

Acting Insp. O'CONNOR — It comes from the fact that the usual offence — —

The CHAIRMAN — Not wishing to cut you off, but if you have some examples that you could leave with us, that would be very helpful.

Acting Insp. O'CONNOR — Habitual consorting requires consorting on more than occasion — it is not an offence from the first instance that a person is seen to be consorting — therefore the prosecution must prove that the consorting is habitual. We prove that by taking reports of instances when people are consorting. We make a report, which is a consorting report, and we consolidate those reports. We have an internal measure whereby once a certain number of reports are made we will then consider a prosecution — consider laying the charge that the person is habitually consorting — and put it before the courts. The consorting report is an internal mechanism that Victoria Police uses to build a case so a person can be charged with habitually consorting.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you for that. In my reading of that particular provision, section 6(1)(b) is where somebody is consorting if they are found in a house or place in the company of reputed thieves et cetera and does not give a satisfactory account of why they are there to the court, and subsection (1)(c) is the habitual consorting — and you use these consorting reports to establish the proof that it is habitual?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN  — I think I am right in saying that the offence we use is habitual, which is subsection (1)(c).

The CHAIRMAN — So you do not use subsection (1)(b), which is just being found in a place.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — Predominantly the offences of habitual consorting are usually with operations such Operation Leader in the Melbourne central business district, where people are consorting together and we believe it is a preliminary step before the crime; they are committing crimes. It is those types of street offences.

The CHAIRMAN — So it is that subsection (1)(c), the habitual consorting, that to you is important?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — That is the one we are referring to when we talk about consorting.

The CHAIRMAN — So if we were talking about consorting and subsection (1)(b) you would be less concerned about that. If you are able to tell us today that would be useful, but if you would like to think about it and come back — —

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Perhaps we could take that on notice as to the frequency of it. My instinct is that it is used infrequently. Certainly 6(1)(c) is the one that is considered to be consorting, but I can’t say that (b) is never used.

The CHAIRMAN — Perhaps you might be able to give us your considered opinion on the other 6(1)(b)? That would be useful to us.

Mr CARLI — The Police Association’s submission suggests that the internal requirements in terms of consorting are actually too onerous, and basically I suppose it leads to the under-utilisation of consorting. What are your feelings about that, about your internal requirements in terms of establishing consorting?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Our internal requirements are about ensuring there are guidelines and safeguards, and that they are applied in a strategic way across the whole of the state. I don’t know, maybe Inspector Sitlington has further comments.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — Did you want to say something?

Det. Sr Sgt CHIDGEY — If I can, Sir. I have been wearing two hats during my career: one, I spent 23 years on the street as an operational policeman, a detective; the second one now is that I have the responsibility of authorising all things for the charging of habitually consorting. Apart from the factor of the guidelines that the operational police members have — a minimum of 9 reports within one month consorting with reputed thieves, and hopefully in the future drug trafficking, and 12 reports in three months — as a scrutineer, if you like, of the quality of briefs of evidence it is my responsibility to treat these charges and the brief of evidence like I treat every other brief of evidence. Not only is it my responsibility to establish the points of proof that the events have occurred, but it is also to reinforce the spirit of the legislation.

In other words, if a brief for prosecution comes in to me I am likely to — bearing in mind the spirit of the legislation — send the brief back if it does not over-cater for those minimal requirements, if you like — in other words, not just on the threshold here, I am talking about not only consorting well in excess of the minimum that is required but also the quality, if you like, of the people with whom we are consorting. Of course consideration is given in relation to these briefs like it is to any other brief, to as I said points of proof and the spirit of the legislation — in other words, I want to make sure that it is in the public interest. There are endless demands of me — like anybody else — in the authorisation of the brief to make sure there are no costs against the department and we in fact well and truly substantiate the charge. They are basically the checks and balances we have in place for the authorisation of habitual consorting.

Mr CARLI — We have had a number of submissions that have said we should repeal consorting. I suppose it is fundamentally based on guilt by association, and I suppose I am very keen to hear how important it is on the beat. How does it actually affect you and how is it utilising the policing? It is easy, I suppose, to stand aside and say maybe it is outdated or it might be unfair on individuals to suggest that they might be guilty by association, but what does it actually mean in terms of your actual ability to police and to have an effect?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Peter will be able to give more detail from his operational experience, but certainly we see it as a proactive and preventative tool. In order to take consorting bookings at the pre-collation stage, at the booking level it means police are going to be seen as being very active in speaking to these sorts of people, especially in public places, and it can only aid and improve the community’s perception of safety to see police interacting with these sorts of people, but it is primarily about prevention and interaction.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — Some of these people we deal with — without going into the names of people; maybe if I could just use a factual case without using the name of the person — this is the type of person who has been charged with consorting: this person has prior offences going back to 1983 and right up to March this year — there are 11 pages of them — but they are all-rounders, things such as receiving stolen goods, possession of weapons with intent, theft of motor car, theft, burglary, again theft of motor car, traffic drug of dependence, possess money being the proceeds of a crime, breach of sentence, again breach of sentence, theft of motor car, handle, receive, possess, traffic heroin — I am cutting all these short, too, they go on and on and on — fail to answer bail.

The CHAIRMAN — We get the point.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — And I only got up to page 2.

The CHAIRMAN — So it is fair to say that most of the people who you charge under habitual consorting are people with very extensive criminal records; is that true?

Det. Insp, SITLINGTON — Sometimes they are the very key person for causing crime in specific areas.

Det. Sr Sgt CHIDGEY — In real terms to say that we are going to be consorting, following up a person who has a cigarette or a latte with another person who has a prior conviction for shoplifting is just a nonsense — practically it does not work like that. It was raised by the offences unit — bearing in mind the main underlying theme is guilt by association — that i somebody were to say that that is old-fashioned I would say that is also nonsense because you have legislation in relation to known sex offenders loitering, which is designed to prevent offences. Purely by a person having a prior conviction for a wilful obscene or a sex offence, he has paid his price, his time to society, but the fact that he has that prior conviction means he is then prevented from going to certain places. With the latest drink-driving legislation some people might say they are being disadvantaged by not being able to start their car unless they supply a breath test because of a prior conviction, and it could be said that that is going to prevent another fatality on the roads. The point I am getting at here is that it is not archaic legislation, it is something that is keeping up with the times in relation to prevention of crime.

Mr CARLI — What about the other criticism, that the offence is under-utilised and therefore not necessary, which is what we put in the report; what about that criticism?

Det. Sr Sgt CHIDGEY — There is a history of the internal mechanisms of the police system. In 1992 they brought in a system known as LEAP — law enforcement assistance package — which is a computer program, which is basically statistical but which also doubles as an intelligence computer program. In that LEAP system the operational police were required to put in what they call field contacts — in other words, very much akin to, ‘I saw that person who is a known crook talking to this fellow who is a known crook in an area that has had a lot of thefts of motor cars’. But that was only an administrative procedure; that did not have any legislative follow-up. For some reason this psyche got together with the operational police and they thought if we put in the field contacts it may replace the need for extra paperwork in relation to consorting, but there was no legislative follow-up. That served two purposes. First of all the operational police got a little bit complacent, and also the people who thought they were being originally consorted weren’t, so that legislation was not being enacted.

Now it has been more and more realised by the regions and places like Springvale, Frankston — and all sorts of places — that the police have their hands tied in preventative measures. They have to allow these drug dealers to talk to the housebreaker to organise a swap over of goods. Like a housebreaker will take a video to a drug dealer, and he will give him a cap of heroin or whatever. We are very limited as to what measures we can take to prevent this sort of communication and these conspiracies.

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — In relation to under-utilisation, I suppose we should add that it is not simply a matter of the number of briefs that are submitted. The stages leading up to the development of a brief mean that police are interacting to quite a significant level, albeit we may not be able to provide the data of how many people are booked for consorting.

The CHAIRMAN — We have heard from others that these consorting reports are overly onerous and inhibit the effective use of the consorting provision; do you share that view?

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — I emphasise the point that Senior Sergeant Chidgey made in relation to the fears that some people have that the legislation is used willy-nilly. It gets back to those internal controls that some people say are onerous provisions placed upon us internally, but it ensures that it is this type of person with those 11 pages of prior convictions, it is the key person that we believe is responsible in certain areas for causing crime, for organising and coordinating different things that we can get to. In relation to that I don’t see anything wrong at all with the consorting reports. To clarify the point that Peter was making earlier, he spoke about LEAP, and it was that people thought by doing those field contacts on LEAP there was then no need to put in a consorting report. That is what the guts of it was, that the consorting report is no longer required; and of course it is, because that is the mechanism the force has for registering all the reports against the person.

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — I think it is fair to concede that it is a complex provision to implement and that we do have ongoing training issues with how it evolves, and obviously LEAP has been a factor in that as well.

Mr CARLI — I want to ask quickly about the issue of loitering and extend that to drug trafficking and how important that may be and why do we need do that. Why do people need to keep loitering, and why do we need to extend it to potential drug traffickers?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — I think Inspector Sitlington can extend it to the practical, but I will make the observation from my role as a former Manager, Drug and Alcohol Policy — that this has been an issue over many years in drug dealing on the streets, and the most naive of observers can see what is occurring. However, when it comes to police intervention to act on traffickers often a minimum requirement is to find the drugs. Now offenders have all sorts of strategies to conceal these drugs and to use other people as a conduit. The inclusion of a loitering provision in relation to drug traffickers would be a useful tool for police to break up the street market. It would also allow police to intervene when the community asks for their intervention, and give them a tool to use for that purpose. Obviously drugs are becoming and are an increasing issue in the community. When the provisions were originally established obviously they were not the problem they are now. But we see a loiter provision in relation to drug traffickers as being a very valuable addition to that provision.

The CHAIRMAN — How would you make that work? Currently the loitering provision says ‘being a suspected person or a known or reputed thief, cheat, who loiters’; so you would say ‘if you loiter around an already convicted drug dealer’?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — It might well be a known or reputed drug trafficker. Perhaps Bob could add from his experience.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — In response to community concerns in the central business district, the Footscray, Dandenong and Springvale regions have conducted operations in which the tactical response squad has played a key part. Mainly those concerns that the public had — and they were really well documented, or recorded on talkback radio and other forms of media — were about the blatant open drug dealing that anybody could identify. These types of things occurred even after uniform foot patrols had walked past the area; right behind their back there would be some drug dealing. People would probably ask, ‘Why don’t the police just go up and grab these people?’, but it is not quite as simple as that because these people have methods of communicating with each other. As an example, it might be that you talk to a person, the deal is done there and the drugs are collected from another place, or they have a person who is a carrier who carries the drugs and they go around and see these people later on.

In response to that we had to become slightly more sophisticated. Without going into the operation of the way we combat the problem, we take away some of our very limited resources in specialist areas and saturate the area a couple of weeks prior and gather some evidence, because at the moment the only offence we have there is the actual offence. Once the offence is committed it is not conceivable to actually get into a conspiracy where we would have to use something like telephone intercepts or listening devices and that type of thing because it is out in the open, in the street. We collect all that information and then we might run an operation a fortnight or three weeks later when we know exactly who we are dealing with, and we try to catch drugs on those people; or we might have some other evidence that we have collect in the fortnight prior to. I hope I am not being too ambiguous about this — I don’t want to go into exactly how we do it — but we will target those people.

First of all we modernise it, because going back into the 60s, around those times, they are ‘consorting with thieves’, because that was the way people did it — they were burglars, they were armed robbers, and all those types of straight out crooks. Now we have the drug factor. If we had a reputed or known drug dealer it wouldn’t matter whether we got the drugs off the person or not. Most of the time you only get a very limited sample of the drug or you get nothing at all. What we could do is then go ahead and over a period of a month or three months, or whatever the time is, we could use that legislation as a preventative tool to stop the offence and the dealing on the street, which would in turn show an increase in the security of people and the public. These people complain to everybody and there are very limited things we can do about it.

The CHAIRMAN — I understand that. One of the things we were suggesting in our draft report was that this provision could be perhaps enhanced by extending it to say that the loitering had to be, in the performance of an act, an intent to commit a crime — in other words just sort of loitering round, you had to actually establish that there was in the drug dealing case an intent for them to do a drug transaction. Would you see that as a problem — in other words, it just wouldn’t be a whole lot of drug people loitering around talking to each other, you would have to establish that they were doing that with an intent to make an exchange or carry out a transaction?

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — I think as soon as you get the word ‘intent’ it makes it very difficult. I would ask others, but my opinion is that it makes it very difficult to prove that intent. I don’t know how you are going to go about proving intent unless you get an admission from the person. The overt acts may provide some type of evidence, but — —

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — The body of law in relation to loiter, too, is very complex, and it has to go a lot further than just hanging around in a group in any case. Once the actual loiter is established you have really gone a long way from what I suggest you are saying in relation to the person’s intent.

The CHAIRMAN — I wonder if we can work through this in some sort of logical order. Begging is another key issue. We have had quite a few submissions along the lines that begging is a fundamental social problem and any form of criminal sanction is therefore not appropriate. Would you care to elaborate or give us some examples of why begging should be retained as you are proposing?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — I will ask Tony to respond to that, but I suppose in general terms many aspects of begging do involve criminality and there is a danger with the way provisions are framed with limiting the ability to respond, but I will pass on to Acting Inspector O’Connor.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — There is certainly a social or a welfare side to begging, and those instances are not the instances that would come to the attention of the police, or probably not the instances that would come anywhere near this law. There are people who beg who perhaps are not within the social or welfare situation. We have had complaints. It has been in the paper in recent times, and I don’t need to go into instances, but there needs to be an offence, in our submission, to apply to a person who is begging who may not necessarily be a beggar — a person who is short of money — but a person who is in a public place approaching people and aggressively asking for money. A person who is not aggressive or not of any concern to a member of the public will usually be supported by a member of the public, but a person who causes concern, causes fright, causes police to be called, is a problem. It is not necessarily that that person is a social problem; they may be a police problem. If there is no offence in existence then there is no opportunity for the police to respond.

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Another aspect is, of course, we are a 24-hour service so where these instances occur late at night or during the night the police can respond. If options of looking at others who might be able to intervene in that area are looked at, that might need to be a consideration.

The CHAIRMAN — Having looked at this issue in overseas jurisdictions there is a great deal of cooperation and coordination between the police forces and the social welfare agencies; in many cases they actually work together on these sorts of issues. Do you have relationships with any of the homeless groups like that here? What sort of relations do you have?

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — Rather than the specifics I know in general that certainly we are part of a community approach to problems. We are only part of it, and I feel comfortable in saying that in an instant where the police come across a person who is in need of assistance we are certainly able to access those other resources. In this day and age we are also going with alternative enforcement measures — diversion and different measures — away from traditional law enforcement. What starts off as a police attendance in many instances does not result in a prosecution; it will result in a diversion to another authority or another agency. We are able to funnel people to different areas, certainly.

The CHAIRMAN — Can I also ask you: one of the most interesting statistics I heard when I was looking at this issue overseas was the amount of people who were arrested for begging but who when they were actually brought in were found to have significant convictions outstanding, they had skipped bail somewhere else or were wanted for some other crime or the like. Do you have any statistics of that nature?

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — No, but we can make those inquiries if you wish.

Mr CARLI — On the idea of aggressive begging, it was suggested to us that you could restrict or rewrite the begging element to take into account aggressive begging; is that what you see as appropriate or acceptable?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Tony will elaborate, but we feel it could limit it in some ways.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — One of the difficulties is that if you do define a situation, you restrict it. Unfortunately you may cut off options in future that you have not envisaged. At the moment I would consider that police apply the offence in appropriate situations — they may be aggressive, they may be persons of erratic behaviour, apparently drug affected or affronting. There are a lot of different ways in which behaviour can be disconcerting, some will be aggressive and some may perhaps not be aggressive. In that instance, if a person who appeared to be drug affected were begging the police should be able to attend and take some action. Perhaps the person wouldn’t come within their definition of an aggressive beggar and therefore your option would be lost.

The CHAIRMAN — I have heard it said that the selling of the Big Issue magazine is often a front for begging. Is that something that you have experience or any knowledge of?

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — It is a little bit different from someone standing up there with an article for sale and maybe harassing people into a sale. The perception of a person and their security — well, it is totally different to meeting someone maybe down Russell Street or around Little Bourke Street and those areas where there may not be as many people around, and the person is quite aggressive about it to the point where it literally scares people. I have friends and relatives who have come to me who actually live in the city and have said that they go for their walks around the city because it is now the city they live in, and every couple of blocks, all the time, they are confronted and some of the people are very, very frightening. I think they are the ones you have to distinguish between. I do not really think you need legislation to do it. It is similar to the consorting; it is not going to be a poor, destitute person who just happens to ask someone that the police are going to be attracted to; it is going to be the more aggressive person in the sole circumstances that is taken into consideration, and the time, the day, the location of the offence and the manner in which it is put.

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — It is not about aggression, either. I was recounting to Bob earlier how one night coming back late, walking from the city from Spring Street to the Victoria Police Centre, I was approached by four different people for money, all with very plausible stories, none aggressive. But the sum total of four different approaches for money would lead you to believe that there is a lot more to begging than just destitute and aggressive people.

The CHAIRMAN — We have touched on the begging and the loitering and the consorting in issues that the committee in its deliberations saw as enormously serious and warrant a lot of discussion and took some time to reach a conclusion. However, disguises we saw as quite clearly outdated and could easily be repealed. You are advocating that there is still some value in maintaining that?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — Many of these offences at first blush look like they might be inappropriate — and certainly looking at it in that way you might think we would be fairly busy during Halloween — but in the practical application it is not really like that, and perhaps Tony again could explain it in a little more detail.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — In most instances they certainly will be totally innocent. However, as I think we have said in our submission, there is a clear link between disguise and, say, an armed robbery that has to be addressed. Many instances of armed robbery will feature disguises and clearly we would submit that there needs to be some offence or some control over disguises. Offence applies a control. It also provides a very wide opportunity for people to explain why they have a disguise and to excuse their behaviour. The offence applies only to a person who has a disguise without lawful excuse, the proof of which excuse shall be on such person. It allows police to challenge someone who perhaps is standing out the front of a bank with a balaclava on with, ‘What are you doing with that balaclava?’. If the person can come up with a lawful excuse, there is no offence. I expect the community would expect that a person in that situation would be challenged and be required to explain that possession. An innocent possession will not come to the attention of police in the first place. A possession that is concerning is worthy of an explanation. Once the explanation is given and the offence is not complete the person will go on their way.

The CHAIRMAN — But there is a school of thought, as you can imagine, that quite clearly says that in that instance, that example of somebody standing in the street near a bank with a balaclava on, a policeman comes up and says, ‘What are you doing wearing a balaclava?’ — that sort of thing — people would say that is tantamount to harassment, as it were, and there are certainly people who hold that view quite strongly.

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — It may not be a view they share if they are a bank teller.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — I would imagine the community would wonder why people would stand outside a bank with a balaclava on, and I do not know whether they would see there is a need to facilitate that.

The CHAIRMAN — They would probably argue that any half-respectable thief would more than likely have a balaclava in his pocket rather than on his head, but that is a separate issue. But you are strongly of the view that this is an offence or provision that is still required?

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — It is a preventative tool.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — The application of that does not have to be something as high-powered as an armed robbery or something as significant as that. It may be protesters down at the botanic gardens, and people breaking in late at night ruining some of the plants in protest of something — like the bats or something like that. These people are found in the preparatory stage outside the gardens; they are stopped by police and we can stop those types of offences. So it does not have to be something like an armed robbery; it can be something more subtle.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — There is the facet to an article of disguise that it allows a person to disguise their identity, and there is a perception there that there is an unlawful purpose that can be connected to the first step if you are there for an unlawful purpose is to disguise yourself. It is concerning behaviour in many instances. In many instances it is entirely innocent, but there is that connection between offences and disguising yourself.

Acting Cmdr DITCHBURN — I suppose the first thing we learn in the police academy is that the first point of proof is identity, so anything that allows people to conceal that identity is certainly placing a barrier in front of police. However, the way the provision currently is still allows that police must prove their case, so innocent circumstances will be eliminated.

The CHAIRMAN — One of the other suggestions that has come to us on this disguise issue is that the Crimes Act — perhaps I will ask David to address you. It is a bit unusual to get our adviser to address you, however —

Dr BLUMENTHAL — The question is some people submitted that section 91 of the Crimes Act, going equipped for stealing, deals with this sort of thing in a consolidated modernised version of section 91, which deals with disguise and anything like that, could be used because it is already stated to be a summary offence, and then perhaps relocate that offence to the Summary Offences Act.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — Going equipped for stealing, perhaps the disguise may not be for stealing — it could be for an assault.

Det. Sr Sgt CHIDGEY — Or damage.

Acting Insp. O’CONNOR — Say a person who is disguising themselves is about to assault, that would not be covered by section 91.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — And I think it says ‘burglary, theft or cheat’, section 91.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Yes. We thought one of the suggestions was to simply modernise that to any indictable offence, so if you go ‘equip’ and include the word ‘disguise’, because there was also the issue of the face-blackening provision of the Vagrancy Act.

Det. Insp. SITLINGTON — You do not want to limit it to just indictable offences, though. I am just thinking about wilful damage as a summary offence. It might substantiate a criminal offence such as — I know I am getting hooked on protesters — protesters damaging a window or graffiti-ing a window. That might be a summary offence where that article or possession of an article for disguise would then cover that. If it was opened up a little bit to include some of those other offences, absolutely no problems.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you. Unfortunately time is always a problem. We may call your evidence to a halt. You have given us a fairly detailed written submission, for which I thank you, and thank you for making the time available to come to see us. It is very useful to have a verbal explanation of how these things work and how you would use these provisions. Copies of today’s Hansard will be forwarded to you in due course for you to check over to see that there is nothing that is glaringly wrong. The idea is not to allow you to change items of fact, but just to correct anything else. Thank you very much for your attendance.

Witnesses withdrew.


Police Association Victoria

Senior Sergeant P. R. Mullett, Secretary; and
Inspector B. I. McKenzie, Assistant Secretary


The CHAIRMAN — Thank you very much for coming to see us today, and also for your submission on the Vagrancy Act inquiry. As you can see, these proceedings are being recorded by Hansard. In due course a copy of that will be forwarded to you to make sure that your statements have been factually recorded for us. Would you like to make some preliminary statements? I think it would be helpful before we go into questions.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — Our submission is outlined in correspondence to you dated 24 May 2002. We certainly thank you for the opportunity to provide verbal submissions in support of our documented position. In general terms, the Police Association is not as much concerned at the repealing of the Vagrancy Act but wishes to ensure that certain provisions contained in that act are preserved and placed in other legislation. Again, in responding in general terms to some assertions that some offences have been under-utilised, it is the Police Association’s view — and a strong view — that one of the main reasons for that being the case is the fact that police resources have been very low over the last four or five years. In fact the previous government slashed police resources by approximately 1000. The present government is restoring those resources, to its credit.

Some of the offences the committee is considering repealing altogether are very much preventative offences. When you do have a properly resourced force, you find the offences in terms of clearance rates would be higher because our members would have the opportunity to exercise a proactive arm in policing and arresting suspects or offenders charged with the types of offences that your committee is considering repealing.

We use as an example of that possession of articles of disguise, section 7(1)(f) of the Vagrancy Act — although one of the further arguments is that there is other legislation in terms of ‘attempt’. It provides our members with the legislative authority. Again, given a properly resourced force, you can actually apprehend offenders or suspects a fair time prior to the commission of a serious offence. By way of example, you may question a suspect walking along the street with a bag containing balaclavas. Now, that person may be en route to meeting other potential offenders who are about to embark on perhaps a major armed robbery or the commission of an armed robbery on a bank. So with that offence being retained, it allows police officers to arrest a person well prior to the commission of that very serious offence if that person had, for example, a number of balaclavas in his possession. It does provide our members — police officers — with the necessary authority to stop the commission of a very serious offence well before it would in fact be committed. That again, in general terms, is the thrust of our submission; it is as much about proper resourcing.

When you have proper police resources you find these things would be utilised. It is very much about preventing serious crimes from occurring. A real issue at the moment is community safety or community security, particularly with the federal government at present throwing its weight behind that very high-profile issue of community security as a result of the events of September 11 in the United States of America. Even using that — without being over the top — as an example, if those types of people were pulled up in either a car or in the street with certain articles of disguise or certain equipment, it gives our members the legislative authority to stop what was or what could be the commission of an atrocious offence in that set of circumstances. Again, it all revolves around a properly resourced police force.

In 1997–98 in particular we saw a very reactive police force, where they were providing limited police service in going from job to job. When you’ve got a sufficiently resourced force, there is very much a proactive arm of our profession of patrolling either in marked patrol police cars, unmarked cars, and even our members on foot patrols or bicycle patrols where they are — again in a properly resourced force — consistently checking suspects in the street. If those suspects have particular items on them, and if the legislation is retained, it gives our members a power of arrest and allows for more culpable or serious offences to not occur, so it is very much a deterrent.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you. If we could go through some of the key issues which have attracted the most attention of the committee. Perhaps if we could start with consorting and loitering offences. There was a belief that some of those were a little bit onerous. We have heard from the police that with ‘consorting’ they really use only section 6(1)(c), which is ‘habitual consorting’ and they require these consorting reports, et cetera, to be produced. I note from your submission that you are saying that that is a fairly onerous requirement; would you like to elaborate on that? Obviously the police are saying that this is a necessary safeguard, et cetera.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — Sure. The onerous issue is probably more to do with Victoria Police Force policy than necessarily a judicial requirement. Obviously, to present a person on an offence or to charge a person with an offence of consorting, one has to compile a fairly comprehensive brief of evidence. We do not have any problem in terms of the judicial accountabilities as far as that is concerned, but perhaps a less onerous policy from police management in terms of the number of required bookings before a person is presented on a charge of consorting could be looked at.

Again, consorting is all about preventative measures and the legislative requirements in terms of a person’s criminal history. We have no difficulty there. There should be certain onuses placed on our members to prove certain points of proof in evidence, but it is all about reducing the number of actual bookings. From a personal point of view, when I was in the armed robbery squad, there was a certain hotel in North Fitzroy where every armed robber known to police at that time would frequent consistently. With this provision — again from a preventative perspective — you can stop those types of people meeting. There is only one purpose for their meeting on a regular basis and that is, in our view, to plan and ultimately commit crimes, most of them serious.

The CHAIRMAN — There is an argument mounted that says if you do that, then they will just meet somewhere else, so to what extent is this just harassment, as it were? You have mounted the case, and Victoria Police I think likewise, that this is a good tool because it allows them to identify where criminals are meeting, to sort of plan their operations, but in your view to arrest half of them for consorting. But next time they do it in someone’s cellar or somewhere less obvious. I am wondering what does it achieve for you in real terms. That is my question: does it really achieve anything for you?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — It is a real preventative tool. In terms of harassment, our members are more accountable — and rightly so — than they ever have been. They have to act professionally. It is not a matter of arresting people for consorting. It is about criminals habitually consorting with each other; it is about going through a proper professional process. At present we have no problem in the retention of certain policy accountabilities from a management perspective within the Victoria Police force. We would like to think our members these days act extremely professionally and are absolutely accountable. If it comes down to using a provision from an harassment perspective, quite obviously that criminal has recourse to avenues such as ethical standards, and the government’s Deputy Ombudsman (Police Complaints), but if professionally approached it is a tremendous preventative tool.

The CHAIRMAN — I know Carlo wants to ask some questions on this, but before he does, could I touch on a further point? There are basically two provisions under consorting. One says that you are found in a house or place in the company of reputed thieves, which is section (1)(b). The other is section (1)(c), which says ‘habitually consorts with reputed thieves’. The Police Force clearly indicated it is section (1)(c) which is the provision they fundamentally use, and we have asked them whether they would have a view about the repealing of section (1)(b), and they are going to get back to us. I guess I would give you the same opportunity. If you have a view on the habitually consorting — which they saw as the most important one — perhaps you could repeal section (1)(b). They are going to get back to us, and if you could do the same we would appreciate it.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — In terms of section (1)(b), we would want that repealed on the basis that, for example, known drug traffickers who have a criminal history for drug trafficking — and I use an example of a certain cafe in Fitzroy Street, St Kilda, which has been known over the years to have, in terms of their custom, a substantial number of people visiting, some of whom have a significant criminal history for drug trafficking. So, again, with a properly resourced force that provision, in our view, should be retained. There are numerous other examples across the state. We could use other examples in Footscray. There are other types of places — card game facilities — where known or reputed thieves attend regularly. Such places still remain in metropolitan areas such as Richmond and St Kilda. Again, it is a significant preventative tool to stop these people from meeting in such places to not only potentially commit crimes but plan those crimes.

Mr CARLI — One of the reasons we gave in our discussion paper for repealing the consorting provision was the fact that it was under-utilised. The Victoria Police made the case that the issue of utilisation is not a fair measure of the importance of the consorting element. I just want to hear your view about that.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — We would support that view, because there is a certain process that you have to go through before you place a person before the judicial process, and there is a certain onus which we do not have great difficulty with. Our main argument is one of resourcing. The Victoria Police force, particularly for the last four or five years, has been a very reactive service. There is the proactive element to policing. With a properly resourced force — and we are heading in the right direction as far as that is concerned; to the credit of this government they are replenishing police resources — our members can return to the proactive element of policing. Consorting is an excellent way of proactively policing and ensuring that people with a particular criminal history are not meeting in regular places on a regular basis to plan or manage their future crimes.

Mr CARLI — We have had a number of submissions that basically set out that the consorting provision is predicated on guilt by association, and therefore at the very least it is archaic and should be repealed. What is your view about that in terms of policing on the ground?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — Again, it is about community safety and ensuring community security. The points of proof are quite onerous. One known criminal has to have knowledge that the person he is accompanying at any given time is in fact a known criminal. So that is one of a number of elements of what is a very accountable process. At the end of the day our view is that it is about protecting the community.

Mr CARLI — On begging, it has been put to us that the provision could be retained by simply making a distinction between aggressive begging and just begging. What is your view about that? I am talking about aggressive begging in the sense that someone demands money.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — It is a difficult offence to address because in a lot of respects it is a social welfare issue as much as being an offence in legislation at the moment. Certainly we would like to see it retained and retained with our members. We see it as a core function of policing. It should not be passed on to any other authorities, such as councils, but we tend to agree with you, Mr Carli, on aggressive begging with a power of arrest. You have to feel sorry for the majority of these people who find themselves in unfortunate homeless circumstances where it is more a social welfare issue.

With the Commonwealth Games not that far away, we should be thinking proactively. It was a major problem during the Los Angeles Olympic Games. Victoria naturally will want to see itself as a showpiece from an international perspective. If you have a significant amount of beggars in and around the central business district, in particular, the necessary authority should be there from a preventative point of view as well as ensuring that the necessary measures are taken from a social welfare perspective.

Mr CARLI — The other issue I was interested in is loitering with intent, and again you have argued that it should be retained and also broadened. Can you elaborate on why it should be broadened to apply to any indictable offence and also make any comments you have about whether it should be extended to the issue of drug traffickers and drug dealers?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — With any indictable offence that would naturally occur, and it follows that drug trafficking is an indictable offence.

Mr CARLI — Do you intend to target drug traffickers in particular through loitering?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — There is specific legislation in the Drugs, Poisons and Controlled Substances Act that in some way caters for that, but if you have a general provision it does again give police that necessary legislative authority hopefully to stop drug trafficking before it actually occurs. Again, it is a preventative provision that members can use in a properly resourced force where you can apprehend offenders or suspects way before the commission of the actual offence.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — I have a couple of questions. With wilful and obscene exposure you were recommending that it be altered by deleting ‘in a public place or in view thereof’ and prohibiting that in private as well. At the moment if you are in your own space but people in the public can see you, it is an offence. How would it impact on citizens’ rights to privacy if that were to apply in private? At an extreme level that would mean you would have to be dressed in the shower, wouldn’t it?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — There is the common-law provision, which is quite cumbersome, and ultimately as far as a common-law offence is concerned that offence would have to go to trial. It is again all about prevention. If our members, and they do, get called to a suspicious set of circumstances — a female may be, not about to be raped because quite obviously there is an offence of attempted rape, but at some point prior to that — and a suspect or offender is exposing himself, that gives our members the power of arrest to act immediately, arrest that person and prevent the substantial crime of rape in that example.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — So they might be in a hotel or something of that nature?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — Yes.

Insp. McKENZIE — With that particular offence it has traditionally been the case that if someone is in a private place but can be seen from a public place, that is where, as Paul has mentioned, we have had to rely on the common law. It is our view that we should not have to rely on common law in those circumstances. That is our reasoning for extending it, so that the person who is suspected of committing the offence can be in any place provided that there is someone in a public place who is offended by that behaviour.

The CHAIRMAN — One of the concerns we had was the possession of housebreaking implements. We saw that the way the current provisions were drawn was very broad, in the sense that somebody walking down the street with a screwdriver could be in trouble. It goes to the general principle that you were espousing in terms of disguises as well as the power of the police to apprehend somebody for carrying a screwdriver as distinct from the person’s civil liberty to carry a screwdriver for whatever reason. It is the same with a disguise. I think the committee would accept your general premise that there certainly is a need today to be very much more aware and preventative in the approach to crime. But how do you see that balancing against civil liberties, which is the other major group that will be arguing in support of the repeal of these provisions?

Sr Sgt MULLETT — If you have a lawful excuse, you have nothing to worry about. If you are walking down the street with a bag, a balaclava, a screwdriver, various other implements of housebreaking and a sawn-off shotgun, then you’ve got problems. Again if you combine that with the professional approach of our members and the accountabilities placed on police — even if a person’s explanation that they did have a lawful excuse was not accepted, they have recourse to the ethical standards department and the Deputy Ombudsman (Police Complaints). If you are a plumber walking down the street with a boxload of tools, quite obviously you have that lawful excuse. Our members have the training and the skills we would normally suggest that allow them to judge whether that person has that lawful excuse or not. Of course then there is the judicial process of proving those matters before the courts. A person can put all forms of defences before the courts, so the legislation, it goes without saying, has accountability before the courts as well.

The CHAIRMAN — I accept that, but because we have these other people making submissions on this when they raise their issues our response is to say, ‘We believe the police training is sufficient to ensure that there will be no instances, or very minor instances, of these provisions being misused’.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — It goes beyond police training and skills. It also goes to lawful excuse and the other processes of the ethical standards department, the deputy ombudsman and then ultimately the courts. Our members are as accountable to the courts as anyone. Then you have to balance that in terms of overall community safety.

The CHAIRMAN — I think we have covered most of the issues that we want to. There is a call I simply must take, so I will ask Carlo Carli to take over.

Mr CARLI — It was very helpful. Obviously we have a wide number of submissions and views. It was very useful to get your views — along with those of the police they are a view from the beat. Thank you very much for your contribution and for the submission.

Sr Sgt MULLETT — Thanks for allowing us the time to come here today.

Witnesses withdrew.


Public Interest Law Clearing House

Mr P. Lynch, Coordinator, Homeless Persons Legal Clinic


The CHAIRMAN — I would like welcome our next witness, Mr Philip Lynch, and congratulate whoever was responsible for the very comprehensive submission his organisation has put in to the committee.

Mr LYNCH  — The organisation I represent is the homeless persons legal clinic, which is a project of the Public Interest Law Clearing House.

The CHAIRMAN — Would you like to make some preliminary statements?

Mr LYNCH — I would appreciate the opportunity to speak for, say, 10 minutes or so, and speak to the paper ‘Decriminalising disadvantage’, which is the submission of the clinic. As you will be aware, the submission examines the impact of three principal provisions, being those that relate to begging, consorting and loitering, looking specifically at the impact of those provisions on the homeless and those at risk of homelessness. It argues that the criminalisation of begging, consorting and loitering tends towards the perpetuation of marginalisation and of underlying causes of those behaviours. It further argues that the criminalisation of these conducts is inconsistent with very fundamental human rights principles. This is something that is being increasingly recognised in Europe, Canada and the United States of America.

Our submission concludes that the act disproportionately and very discriminately impacts upon homeless people, and it makes certain recommendations in relation to addressing underlying causes and as to responses that are more appropriate than the current criminalisation of the conduct.

I would like to speak briefly to each of the three offences in turn. First, begging, which is an offence under section 6(1)(d) of the act. There is quite extensive research being produced in Australia, Canada, the United States of America and Europe which demonstrates clearly that begging is most often a manifestation of chronic poverty and need. The notion that people who beg somehow misrepresent their circumstances as some kind of scam is quite a myth. Certainly clients of our service who beg report that it is very time consuming, degrading, demeaning and frustrating, and it is engaged in for income supplementation purposes as a last resort activity for the purpose of meeting basic subsistence needs like accommodation and health and supporting addictions. Our experience, and overseas research also, demonstrates that for many people begging is a more acceptable last-resort activity than other criminal conduct like theft, drug dealing and prostitution.

It is the clinic’s view that anti-begging laws infringe fundamental human rights. They do this in the following ways: they infringe the right to freedom of expression and political communication, in that in many cases begging is an expression of the way society treats its most impoverished and disadvantaged; they also infringe the right to life, liberty and security of person in that they deny some people basic economic rights necessary to survival; and, finally, they infringe the right to equality before the law and freedom from discrimination in that these offences really disproportionately impact upon the very people who need to beg.

Anti-begging provisions in the United States and Canada have been struck down on the basis of their incompatibility with these fundamental human rights. It is the clinic’s clear view that the current laws in Victoria and Australia more generally are susceptible to similar challenge. Increasingly there is an international trend towards the decriminalisation of begging wholesale, or in some instances the criminalisation of aggressive begging only.

The research conducted by Hanover Welfare Services over about a four-month period found no instances of aggressive begging, so our view is that it is not a common occurrence. Moreover, our view is that conduct that would constitute aggressive begging is currently, as I think the committee articulated in its discussion paper, sufficiently proscribed by division 1 of the Crimes Act, which renders unlawful certain crimes against the person.

The clinic’s view is that begging should be decriminalised. The public nuisance or affront caused by responding to begging requests certainly does not justify the criminalisation of the conduct, particularly having regard to the underlying causes of begging and the ramifications of penalties on those people who beg. So we certainly think section 6(1)(d) should be repealed.

I should like to touch briefly on soliciting alms by cheating, which is a separate offence under subsections 7(1)(a) and (b) of the act. As I have already mentioned, the research in Australia and overseas demonstrates quite conclusively that the notion that people who beg misrepresent their circumstances or use begging as some sort of primary income is a myth. I think subsections 7(1)(a) and (b) of the act perpetuate this myth, and they do this by associating begging and cheating.

The clinic certainly acknowledges that there is a public interest in protecting people from misleading and deceptive conduct and ensuring that philanthropic individuals and organisations do not misdirect their resources as a result of misrepresentations, but our view is that this kind of conduct is already sufficiently proscribed by the Crimes Act and also the Fundraising Appeals Act, and neither of those acts succumbs to the danger of linking cheating and begging.

Finally on begging, our view is that begging — and I think the Police Association also articulated this — should be conceived of as a societal and economic issue rather than as a criminal issue, and our responses should really seek to address underlying causes of begging rather than to criminalise people for manifestations of those underlying causes. Our view is that subsections 6(1)(d), 7(1)(a) and (b) should be repealed and, although it is beyond the current scope of this inquiry, the other provisions which currently proscribe begging which are included in the regulations to the Transport Act and also various local laws should be repealed.

Turning to consorting, it is an offence under subsections 6(1)(a), (b) and (c) of the act to occupy a place frequented by thieves, to be found in the company of reputed thieves or to habitually consort with reputed thieves. Judicially the term ‘consorts’ has been held to mean ‘associates’ or ‘keeps company’. The provisions therefore proscribe association with a certain class of persons, and they are predicated on the notion that this class of persons is undesirable or discreditable and that they may tempt otherwise innocent people to criminal activity. It is not necessary that the association be for an unlawful or criminal purpose. The consorting provisions of the act, in our view, are incompatible with a number of fundamental human rights principles — namely, the right to be free from guilt by association, the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty and also the right to freedom of association.

Looking first at guilt by association, the clinic certainly agrees with the committee that the provisions are predicated on a notion that is quite at odds with contemporary standards of justice. In particular the clinic submits that consorting offences which deem it to be a crime to be in the company of or consorting with reputed thieves have a disproportionate impact upon homeless people. The reason is this: many homeless people suffer from drug or alcohol addictions; many have psychological illnesses or mental disorders and are preyed upon; some resort or have resorted to petty crime to satisfy basic subsistence needs; and some have spent time in prison and are struggling to reconnect with or reintegrate into the community. Each of these classes of person is substantially more likely to associate with reputed thieves than those who are not in such a position of disadvantage.

It is a defence under paragraphs (b) and (c) of subsection 6(1) of the act to give to the satisfaction of the court a good account of being in the company of or consorting with reputed thieves. In our view this offends the notion of the right to a presumption of innocence and the associated burden of proving guilt. First of all, the defendant bears the onus of giving the good account. Secondly, a good account requires more than a mere reason for the association, even if the reason given for the association is innocent or lawful.

Turning now to the issue of freedom of association, the clinic considers the consorting provisions of the act seriously infringe this right. They are intended to inhibit people from associating with people of a designated class, being reputed thieves. This not only offends the right to freedom of association but may also ostracise and isolate people in that designated class, thereby cutting them off from companionship, support and in many cases the links which would enable them to lift themselves out of the class.

The extent to which the provisions offend the right to freedom of association is exacerbated by the extent to which the provisions vest what the clinic would consider very broad arbitrary and discretionary powers in law enforcement officers. The provisions allow a law enforcement officer to make a determination as to a person’s reputation and on the basis of that determination to charge associates of the person with a criminal offence. That notion is very vague and potentially susceptible to abuse. The clinic is clearly of the view that subsections 6(1)(a), (b) and (c), being the consorting provisions of the act, should be repealed.

Loitering is an offence under section 7(1)(f) of the act. It provides that it is an offence for designated classes of persons to loiter with intent to commit an indictable offence in places including a public space. For the purpose of sustaining a charge under section 7(1)(f) it is sufficient pursuant to section 7(2) of the act for the Crown to establish from the circumstances of the case, and importantly from the known character of the accused, the requisite intention to commit the indictable offence.

It is also an offence under section 7(1)(i) of the act to be found without lawful excuse in certain places including buildings, structures, gardens or enclosures. I would like to discuss these provisions in the context of human rights principles, in particular the principle of the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, the right to freedom from discrimination and also the right to freedom of movement.

Turning first to the right to a presumption of innocence, section 7(2) of the act enables the Crown to establish the requisite intention to commit an indictable offence on the basis of the known character of the accused. The provision targets three designated classes of persons, being suspected persons, reputed thieves and cheats. In our view these provisions are quite vague and arbitrary and potentially liable to abuse. Again they afford a very wide discretion to law enforcement officers.

The clinic importantly considers that the capacity to establish guilt by reference to past conduct is a transgression of the principle of the presumption of innocence. The clinic considers that in many instances this provision is likely to render it difficult for people to move on from past conduct, and the association of past conduct with present guilt may make it difficult for people who are from marginalised or disadvantaged backgrounds to start, I guess, with a clean slate.

Section 7(1)(i) of the act also offends the burden of proof principle, and it does this by placing the onus on a person using spaces such as buildings, structures, gardens or enclosures to provide a lawful excuse for the use of those places. The clinic is concerned that in many instances the necessity to inhabit certain of these places may not be regarded by law enforcement officers as a lawful excuse. An instance may be a person squatting in an abandoned warehouse.

I would like now to touch briefly on freedom from discrimination and the incompatibility of the loitering provisions with that principle. The clinic is concerned that subsections 7(1)(f) and (i) of the act infringe the right to freedom from discrimination on the basis that they discriminate amongst people on the basis of those people’s social origin. Many homeless people rely on public space for basic needs such as accommodation and a sense of community. The profile of such people, many of whom, as I have already mentioned, suffer from addictions, mental illnesses and the like, are such that they are more likely than the broader population to be reliant upon public spaces and they are more likely than the broader population to be suspected by law enforcement officers. Requiring such persons to justify their occupancy or use of public space imposes, in practice, a condition on the use of that space that is not imposed on the broader population.

The clinic also considers that the loitering provisions are inconsistent with the fundamental right to freedom of movement. They do this by requiring people to justify their use of public space, in many instances notwithstanding the reliance of homeless people upon such space for basic needs such as accommodation. The clinic considers that many people who inhabit squats, warehouses, abandoned buildings and even parks may not be considered by law enforcement officers to be in such places with lawful excuse, notwithstanding the necessity of occupying those places having regard to acute shortages of affordable accommodation, particularly in inner-city areas. As the committee will see from the written submission, the necessity to loiter in these circumstances has been recognised and upheld in both the United States and Canada.

The clinic submits that the conduct sought to be proscribed by the loitering provisions under the act is already sufficiently proscribed by existing criminal laws, such as drug offence laws, the law of attempt, the law of trespass and other indictable offence laws. Unlike the general loitering provisions, they are not vague, they are not susceptible to the same degree to abuse or misuse, and they are certainly not susceptible to being used as a street-sweeping mechanism. It concerned me somewhat to hear the reference to the Commonwealth Games in the earlier submission. Having regard to this the clinic is of the clear view that paragraphs (f) and (i) of section 7(1) and the associated section 7(2) of the act should be repealed.

I would like to talk briefly about penalties under the act. As the committee will be aware, the act prescribes maximum penalties for offences which range from imprisonment in some instances through to fines. In addition to these penalties the court obviously retains a discretion under the Sentencing Act to impose other conditions such as community-based orders. In the clinic’s view the imposition of a fine, incarceration or a community-based order is unlikely to address the underlying causes of the offence which is sought to be penalised, whether it is begging, consorting or loitering. In fact, in many instances, these penalties may exacerbate underlying causes. Incarceration, for example, may further entrench a sense of isolation and alienation.

Community-based orders, breach of which may render someone punishable by imprisonment, impose very numerous onerous conditions upon homeless people with which they may not be able to comply. Fines also obviously very disproportionately impact on homeless people, many of whom live at or near the poverty line. In these circumstances payment of a fine or even the imposition of a fine can occasion very severe financial, social and psychological hardship, which in many cases can endure beyond the issue of homelessness.

The clinic has mentioned in its submission the case of Kylie, a client of the clinic, who was a heroin addict. Over a period of about three or four months Kylie received over $4000 worth of fines for begging. She has now overcome her addiction, addressed her addiction, and she has a stable partner and a six-month old baby, but she still has $4000 worth of fines hanging over her head, which is a very significant impediment to her moving on and specifically to obtaining stable accommodation. The clinic has made numerous recommendations about addressing underlying causes, which I think it is most appropriate for the committee to consider in the written submission, but effectively those responses seek to address underlying causes, eliminate inequality and promote human dignity.

The CHAIRMAN — You have touched on quite a few things there. I must say in regard to some of your comments, particularly on the overseas experience with begging, having looked at the overseas jurisdictions dealing with begging I think you are fundamentally wrong. It may have been a fact that social welfare organisations did hold a similar view to your own in regard to begging, but that has fundamentally changed, certainly throughout Europe at least. All the welfare agencies there welcome the involvement of police in that area because they see them as working with them to identify and take out people who are at risk. Particularly in the area of consorting, for instance, where you quoted the example of somebody who was recently released from prison and had nowhere to go but with known criminals and therefore would simply fall into the trap of becoming more enmeshed in the criminal culture, social welfare agencies in Europe see the involvement of police and their work with police as a very positive way of getting those people out of that environment and into a more protective environment as soon as possible to save them from that net.

So I do not think it is right to say that begging and some of these things are being decriminalised overseas because there is a realisation that those criminal sanctions, linked with a good social welfare system, can be very useful. It may be of interest for you to know that.

Mr LYNCH — I do not think our position is inconsistent with that, and certainly among our recommendations is that being the people that have first contact with people who beg, police officers have a role to play. They have a very important role to play in assisting people to address underlying causes and referring people who are begging and who are disadvantaged or homeless to make links and connections with welfare agencies and other service providers. One of the clinic’s recommendations is that, in conjunction with welfare agencies and service providers, the police undertake training to sensitise them to issues of homelessness and underlying causes and also to develop collaborative, cooperative relationships between welfare agencies and police so that appropriate referrals to assist and address underlying causes may be addressed.

The CHAIRMAN — Yes, and I think that is very positive, and certainly that is happening overseas. But I make the point that both the welfare agencies and the police have said, certainly to me, ‘We want to keep these criminal sanctions simply because they allow us to better do our job of saving people’.

Mr CARLI — We have obviously had discussions with the Police Association and the police about the offence of consorting. When you look at the 1999–2000 figures for offences charged under subsections 6(1)(a), (b) and c), you see there was one consorting charge. We have obviously put that position to the police, and their view is that the consorting offence is important to preventative policing, and they showed us these reports. Basically their argument was that the offence is useful because it gives them an opportunity to interact with people who could potentially be criminals and therefore it is positive in terms of community policing, preventative policing and all that. What do you feel about that argument, and do you have any ideas about whether taking away that offence would inhibit police in their community policing or preventative policing role?

Mr LYNCH — I do not think it would, and the evidence of that is in the fact that there was only one consorting charge laid in the period you identified. I do not think the retention of the provision in any way inhibits police from interacting meaningfully with the community and addressing community concerns. Quite the contrary; we would submit that the consorting provisions have the potential in their application to very disproportionately impact upon an already marginalised group. They offend basic human rights principles, as I have already suggested, and they may in some instances criminalise otherwise inoffensive or innocent behaviour. It is difficult to see how this constitutes community protection. The current indictable offence laws, in particular laws of attempt, already give police the power to intercept action before it becomes a full offence.

Mr CARLI — And also on the issue of begging, the police made the claim that even though it is very broad in terms of the Vagrancy Act in practice it is largely used in very isolated cases, particularly what we are now calling aggressive begging. Is that what you think is happening in terms of begging?

Mr LYNCH — I don’t. That is not the experience of the clinic. The experience of the clinic is that in some cases individuals are targeted. Kylie received the majority of her begging infringements over an extremely short period. In one instance she received about four in one day. She is certainly not an aggressive person. That submission is not supported by the extensive research conducted by Hanover Welfare Services, which identified no instances of aggressive begging.

Mr CARLI — My last question is on the issue of loitering. The police again argued that that offence should be expanded, particularly to do with drug trafficking. They use it as a tool to reduce the drug trafficking on streets and around particular venues. What is your view about that?

Mr LYNCH — The clinic’s view about that is that, again, this kind of conduct is already sufficiently proscribed by the Crimes Act and in particular the laws of attempt and also the laws relating to aiding and abetting or being an accessory. If you are going to talk about preventative policing there is a real need to address the issue of demand rather than supply. I do not think that nipping dealers before they have the chance to deal is necessarily the best approach. It is probably a bit of a truism to talk about drug addiction or drug taking and substance abuse generally being related to some underlying causes. We really need to look at issues like the availability of accommodation and the availability of drug, alcohol and gambling addiction counselling and support services and so on if we want to address the extent to which drug addiction and substance abuse is an issue in our community. If we really want to help homeless people the solution is to give them homes; it is not to extend the ambit of the criminal law so that it can intervene at an earlier stage.

The CHAIRMAN — I return to the question of aggressive begging. You mentioned that the Hanover report found there were no cases of aggressive begging in the window of the study that it carried out, and aggressive begging is a matter of definition, but your report summarises that study by Hanover as follows:

Forty-three per cent of the persons who beg adopt ‘passive’ begging technique (that is, they stand in one spot with a sign alerting passers-by that they need money) while 57 per cent adopt ‘active’ begging technique (that is, follow passers-by and ask for money).

Depending on what you call aggressive, the report found that 57 per cent of people begging adopt an active stance, which is at the very least pestering people, if not aggressive. I do not think it creates quite the right impression to say that there are no instances of aggressive begging, because it raises the question of what is aggressive begging, which is something that is in the eye of the beholder. Whether you see being pursued and asked for money as aggressive or active begging is an individual perception.

Mr LYNCH — It is an issue of definition. The definition adopted by Hanover in that study reflected the definition that is used in Canada and the United States, which is the use of threatening or abusive conduct or language. If the committee were inclined to recommend that aggressive begging be retained, we would certainly be putting a very strong submission that ‘aggressive’ be clearly articulated and defined and that it be limited to offensive or threatening behaviour or conduct. The fact that someone pesters you or continually asks for money is probably in most instances an indication of the severity of their need.

Mr CARLI — On the Canadian case, you suggested that the begging laws were knocked out in relation to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Mr LYNCH — That is right.

Mr CARLI — But they do have aggressive begging in legislation in Canada.

Mr LYNCH — That is right, and it has been retained in certain jurisdictions in the United States.

Mr CARLI — Basically, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms protected the rights of begging as a big set, but the subset of aggressive begging, well defined, could remain an offence?

Mr LYNCH — That is right.

The CHAIRMAN — One of the things you mentioned briefly when you were talking bears on the real issue that we as a committee are wrestling with, and that is the issue of protecting the rights and freedoms of individuals while ensuring that in protecting those individual rights and freedoms we do not compromise society and the community. In the context of consorting offences you said something to the effect that they are probably not necessary anyway, because if somebody is consorting with intent to do something, that comes under the law of attempt, if that is the right terminology. Is the law of attempt also an infringement of people’s rights and freedoms? How do you see that?

Mr LYNCH — I would say that the fundamental difference between the consorting provisions and the law of attempt is that the law of attempt actually requires that there be some positive act, and it places a heavier burden of the onus of proof on establishing steps to take that act to commit an indictable offence than the consorting provisions, which make mere association with an intent, which can be derived from the known character of the person, an offence itself.

The CHAIRMAN — If you were to repeal consorting, for instance, would the police be able to assert that consorting with known criminals would come under the law of attempt?

Mr LYNCH — If there was an actual intent to commit an indictable offence and steps had been taken towards the commission of that indictable offence — and that notion that you cannot be guilty of an act unless you take positive steps to take that act is fundamental to criminal law — then that conduct would remain criminalised. What would not be criminalised is the mere association of people where that association happens to be between certain designated classes of person who are seen to be undesirable or discreditable.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you very much. It was a very comprehensive written submission and a very comprehensive oral submission, for which we thank you very much indeed.

Mr LYNCH — I thank the committee for the opportunity to address it.

The CHAIRMAN — We will forward to you in due course a copy of the Hansard transcript, and if you can check through that to see that it is a factual representation of what you have said and return it to us as soon as humanly possible, we would appreciate it.

Mr LYNCH — I will certainly do that.

Witness withdrew.


Victoria Legal Aid

Mr V. Stojcevski, Senior Policy and Research Officer


The CHAIRMAN — I welcome our next witness, who is from Victoria Legal Aid. I note that you have been here from the start and heard everybody else’s submissions, so you may be able to comment in your presentation on what you have heard others say. Would you like to make some opening comments for us?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — Yes, I will. As our submission dated 24 May indicates, we entirely concur with the views and proposals of the subcommittee that the Vagrancy Act be repealed in its entirety and that substantive subsections 7(1)(c) and 7(1)(f) be retained and re-enacted in the Summary Offences Act. We thought the reasoning sound and we welcomed the views and proposals of the subcommittee.

We were inclined, however, to think that the police would make a submission to retain the consorting provisions, and hopefully today in our verbal submission we will provide you with some arguments about why the committee should maintain its proposal that the consorting provisions be repealed. That will be the basis of today’s presentation, but I am happy to answer any questions about our views on subsections 7(1)(c) and 7(1)(f). As we said in our written submission, we thought your reasoning was sound and we accept the proposals contained in your discussion paper.

The CHAIRMAN — Would you like to go straight to what is obviously a very difficult topic — that is, the consorting provisions — which are also linked to the loitering offences, and deal with those as you give us some further arguments, given that you have heard the arguments in favour of keeping them.

Mr STOJCEVSKI — Okay. If I may, I will refer to some prepared materials.

On 13 May 2002 a police prosecution under section 6(1)(c) of the Vagrancy Act, which is a consorting provision, commenced in the Bendigo Magistrates Court. The defendant was 17 years and 3 months old at the commencement of the four-month period of the alleged consorting, which finished on 2 June 2001. The charge was laid on 4 July 2001 and the first mention heard was on 10 August 2001, so there was a year between the actual charge and the court hearing. At the conclusion of the three-day case, which involved the calling of some 10 police officers, the defendant was found guilty of the one charge of consorting on 17 May 2002 and fined $600, with $35 in court costs. This was the first case of its type the senior magistrate had heard in some 16 years as a magistrate, and apparently such cases have not been prosecuted in Bendigo for some 10 years. There has been a report of another such case recently, but the matter has not been continued, for reasons unknown.

Judging by the remarks of the local police — this comment is from our public defender who defended the young person in Bendigo — it is clear that there are numerous consorting cases against many other Bendigo youths in the pipeline awaiting either sufficient consorting reports to accumulate to warrant laying charges or approval of the police briefs for the actual filing of charges with the court. It seems there has been a concerted effort by police to enforce the consorting provisions of the Vagrancy Act in Bendigo by ‘booking’ young people for consorting over the past 12 to 18 months. One clear target group is the young ‘so-called’ undesirables in the local mall and CBD areas, who, so it is said, hang around together doing nothing but cause trouble and bring the area into disrepute.

We have a total of six arguments based around certain themes against the consorting provisions, and I will enumerate those as I go through. The first argument is to do with mens rea, or intent. It is not clear if there is a mens rea involved in the consorting provision. Dr Ian Freckleton in his Criminal Law Investigation and Procedures states that there is no mens rea involved and that once the facts are established conviction necessarily follows. On the other hand, Bourke’s Criminal Law Victoria, volume 2, edited by Mr Nash, QC, Mr Grace, QC, Mr Holdenson, QC, and Dr Mirko Bagaric, states that there is mens rea involved in all of the offences under section 6(1) of the act, so the area of law is somewhat confused in its present state.

The preferable view in this day and age is that mens rea should be considered part of the consorting law, because it is a penal offence with quite heavy penalties for an essentially victimless crime. The fact that it is not so construed by many courts leads to injustice being perpetrated when they say, ‘It doesn’t matter what you intended to do. You were there with those reputed thieves on those occasions, and therefore you are guilty!’, which feeds into that guilt by association argument.

A further element of mens rea is that mens rea may only involve proving that the person intended to consort. However, there is case law which suggests that even accidental or unintended meetings are relevant to whether consorting has occurred, as found in Beer v. Toms, a 1952 case in the Queensland courts.

There is also the nasty presumption that if a person mixes with reputed thieves then it can be inferred that he or she will be aware of their reputation as thieves simply because he or she is part of that class where the deeds of others in that class are notorious and such deeds will be known to all. This is an outrageous notion, and it is aberrant in the sense that an inference is being drawn that mens rea arises simply from the assumption that reputations among thieves are notorious among that class.

A further element of the mens rea argument is that police apparently do not explain the rationale behind the law to those being checked or booked for consorting, and they apparently do not explain what consorting situations would be legal, even though the High Court obiter dicta in Johnson v. Dixon suggested there are some such circumstances.

Justice Mason said that employment of family connections could amount to good reason for consorting, although an innocent explanation of a meeting — for example, ‘We’re friends’, ‘We’re not doing anything wrong’ or ‘We’re just about to go into this nightclub’ — would not be enough in itself. Reasons around family or employment could be sufficient reason. The second argument, the notion of reputed thieves, goes to the origin of the law.

The CHAIRMAN — This is all very interesting regarding the fine legal points, but the police in essence said that these consorting provisions allow them to take some action when they see some den of thieves in action, as it were, and that their having that power is an essential protection to the community which in some way has to be traded off against people’s individual rights and so on. Clearly elements of that argument are persuasive, but there is also a strong case for saying that those powers obviously cannot be used to the detriment of individuals’ rights.

How do you see us steering through that? It is not an issue of case law and so on, it is an issue of how do you see us steering through that? The view of the police, as you heard, was, ‘We will use these provisions responsibly and won’t abuse them’. One particular case was cited where they may have used them, but how do we steer our way through it?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — I guess the police argument that it is a preventative, community-type practice —

They do not caution during the booking or checking exercise. They engage in questions like — and these are in police consorting report sheets — ‘Are you aware that person X is a reputed thief? Why are you consorting with this person? How well do you know this person?’. There are no warnings about what the meaning of habitual consorting is. When you are dealing with young people, as the Bendigo case illustrates — a person 17- years -and- 3 -months -old is probably not overly educated in the law in terms of the Vagrancy Act — the argument that you are preventing crime is militated against, because the police are not entering into a dialogue with the suspect or the consortee but asking that person a series of questions and getting from that person a series of responses and not doing anything active to build relationships between the police and that group in the community or other groups in the community.

The CHAIRMAN — That still leaves us with a dilemma. Perhaps you are saying that if the police did that better, then it would work, but the solution to that is to change the law to ensure it happens correctly rather than repeal the law?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — It might not be an issue of law or legislation, it might be an issue of community justice programs, such as community justice initiatives, in particular in regional Victoria where there are Aboriginal advisory committees and community justice panels. These are generating better preventative techniques rather than the black-letter-law situation we currently have with the consorting provisions. Resources should be put into partnership and community building at the local level, not within the legal framework of consorting where you have a consorting report being accumulated for the purposes of eventually delivering a case to the magistrates but to have targeted and well thought-out programs. That would be a much more sophisticated approach to preventative policing than the compilation of 15 consorting reports over a three-month period.

Ms BEATTIE — I did not have the advantage of being here when the Police Association and the Victoria Police put their submission, but my understanding is that they fill out the consorting sheets and think they are innocuous and do not mean very much until there are quite a number of them. If you are doing nothing 30 times, why is that worse than doing nothing once or twice if you are hanging out with your mates? Why would the police then say, ‘We had better act on these when we’ve got quite a number of them’ rather than acting when it is once or twice? To me it is either you have committed an offence or you have not. The number of times is not appropriate. Can you tell me why they would be thinking that?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — I suspect that is based on the origin of the law in terms of it actually being a force in stopping reputed thieves. The police this morning mentioned that the law can be used for experienced and knowledgeable criminals who continually consort. If a person has been charged 12 or 15 times, and the charges may be 3, 6 or 10-years old, if after going on the straight and narrow for a while that person starts recreating with another group of people — say, eight times over a month — then the police can nab him again.

While the law was initially established for those reputed gangland-type thieves, it is actually being used against juveniles and marginalised members of the community — groups of people who do not understand the criminal justice system. They do not understand why they are being booked or checked. There is no immediate consequence to the name being taken. As this case points out, three or six months down the track you are booked for consorting and you do not know that, for example, on 8 May you were at the shopping centre hanging around with a person who was booked two years ago for car theft.

The defence has no option. If the consorting reports are there and the person has been booked eight times a month, or 15 times per three months, there is no adequate defence for a young person, and they would have to have a phenomenal memory to say, ‘I was actually not there at that time’, or, ‘I was there but did not see X there’. Once the consorting reports have been developed you are home and hosed.

The CHAIRMAN — I think you heard me say to the police that if these are real criminals and they are planning some great crime they are hardly likely to do it in the view of the police, are they?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — That is right.

Ms BEATTIE — It is certainly my experience, living in one of the interface suburbs, that young people gather in shopping malls and congregate. I do not think there is anything wrong with young people hanging out with their mates, even if one of them has in the past committed a misdemeanour.

Mr STOJCEVSKI — Hanover Welfare Services is probably more experienced in dealing with this sort of matter, but social work strategies talk about peer support, peer review, family support and family stability. If the police actively mitigate what are accepted social principles about the groups supporting one another for the purposes of getting out of a difficult situation, whether it be unemployment, drug use or part of a disenfranchised group in terms of school leavers, if those people are being scattered and told, ‘You can’t stay here together, you have to move on’, then that has more potential to create crime in the sense that once those people get away from the group there is the potential for them to be involved in crime rather than staying in the group, which is a preventative-type mechanism, such as at a shopping centre as opposed to going down a suburban street and doing a break-in and enter.

The CHAIRMAN — You could argue that. I turn to the other issue the police raised that I personally saw as being slightly more valid than the consorting issue. I was somewhat unimpressed by their argument about consorting, but with the loitering provisions and the ability of the police to use those provisions to limit drug dealing and the problems associated with that, basically what the police were saying was that the loitering provisions could be linked to somebody who is reputed to be or is a drug dealer rather than to a reputed thief. Retaining it seemed to me to have some merit for dealing with the situation of bees around the honey pot of the drug dealer, as it were. The police made the point that under the current laws there is not a lot they can do, but if loitering was extended to drugs as well it could give them a powerful tool. Have you any views or opinions?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — We share the view that the crux of the issue goes to the notion of the intent to commit the crime and furtherance of the crime. There are obviously a couple of hot spots around town, such as the corner of Bourke Street and Russell Street, which is obviously a prime target, but people have the right of presumption of innocence if they are just milling around outside Hungry Jack’s and not engaging in anything. They should not be criminalised, or for that matter harassed by police. If they are loitering with intent in furtherance of something, and if that can be proved — the accepted onus of proof through common law — then that is fine, and if it is drug trafficking it is an indictable offence. I do not think loitering for the sake of loitering really goes to the principle of propensity. Some people around there are more prone to deal with drugs than others who have certain characteristics, such as their appearance or ethnicity. That is bad law, and common law is certainly built on the foundations of mens rea and the intent and the positive steps being undertaken to meet the crime. The onus is on the police and the police prosecution rather than just circumstances in which people mill about.

The CHAIRMAN — Their point was — certainly this is a community issue — that if there is a known drug dealer on the street and there is milling about, there are a whole lot of potential purchasers and they are fundamentally unable to do anything. They say that the loitering provision would allow them to move on that potential dealer. You are right, it does not solve the crime, but it makes it more difficult if the drug dealer keeps getting moved on.

Mr STOJCEVSKI — It is a way of enforcing laws against known drug dealers.

The CHAIRMAN — By harassing them?

Mr STOJCEVSKI — Police must obtain evidence, such as forensic evidence. The police force is a sophisticated organisation. If a junior constable is sent to that area regarding a known drug dealer on the street and says, ‘Well, what are you doing? You’re a reputed drug dealer and I have seen a number of photographs on intelligence reports’ — —

The onus should be put on the police to deploy their resources more effectively, rather than harassing people milling around, although that person might be a reputed drug dealer. Resources should be put into obtaining the evidence to put that person away for a long time, and the police should act in a professional manner.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you for your submission. It was useful to hear what the other side has to say.

Mr STOJCEVSKI — We suspected that after the Bendigo case there would be an attempt by the police to maintain the consorting provisions. As I said at the outset, I believe our proposals are well informed and well considered, and we hope you take the evidence from today and make your informed recommendations to Parliament.

Witness withdrew.


Hanover Welfare Services

Mr M. Horn, Research and Development Manager


The CHAIRMAN — Welcome, Mr Horn, and thank you for your submission and your attendance. When we started this inquiry we thought begging would be one of the main issues but we have a number of other matters concerning consorting, loitering and wearing disguises. Your submission deals basically with begging. Do you have any preliminary statements that you would like to make on that issue?

Mr HORN — Yes. I will make a number of key points following our research and service experience. It may be worth going through a couple of the key findings and focusing on the issue of begging. By way of background, Hanover is a Melbourne-based non-government agency. Each year we assist about 25 000 people who seek services and assistance because they are in housing or homeless crises. Our mission is to assist people who experience homelessness. We do that through providing services and advocacy. We have a research team through which we can attempt to develop more objective or robust information on the issues of homelessness as part of social policy development in Victoria and within Australia.

In terms of the key points we want to make, Hanover in general would support the repeal of the Vagrancy Act as proposed in your discussion paper. In particular we support the decriminalisation of begging for money. The evidence from our service experience and our recent research shows that begging is a social health issue and it is most appropriately dealt with through welfare responses. Our evidence is reinforced by a range of international research, especially in the UK, on this issue. Hanover considers that quite a bit of the media coverage in the past few years on the issue of begging has been alarmist and broadly unsubstantiated. The coverage is muddied so that begging has been linked with broader or other antisocial behaviours by particularly groups of young adults rather than single people. It is important that public policy be based on sound evidence and not myths. That was one of the factors under which we carried out research in collaboration with the City of Melbourne and Victoria Police over a six-month period about a year ago.

We undertook that research to try to get sound evidence on the extent and patterns of begging in the central business district of Melbourne. We used a multipronged methodology; we did not rely on just one data source. The research was in collaboration with the City of Melbourne and we used their resources. Victoria Police was on the working party and contributed resources, time and efforts to the study. Hanover’s Outreach service that works with people who are experiencing homelessness on the streets of Melbourne also participated. We had a four-pronged methodology, but I will not go to that detail because it is in the report and I am sure you would have read it. The report was completed in February 2001.

Briefly, the key findings were that during the study period — that is, around November–February 2001 — there was a low level of begging. We concluded that up to 10 people were likely to be begging on a single day in the central business district. Most were begging alone and for relatively short periods. There was no evidence of gangs or groups of people systematically begging at that time. That evidence came from not just observations of the research team but from reports to the City of Melbourne via a hotline that was established over that time for traders, residents and visitors to Melbourne to express any concerns about the level of begging or particular instances of begging. It also relied on some targeted data collection we had Victoria Police do as well as the broader levels of charges made. A broad range of evidence showed it was a low-level issue at that time. We found begging was largely opportunistic. They were seeking small amounts of money to pay for their immediate needs — invariably food, accommodation and cigarettes. The case and police studies showed that the majority were on government benefits or pensions. There was a clear association with homelessness, substance abuse, long-term unemployment and poverty.

Our findings were that 93 per cent of those picked up by police were on benefits and 25 per cent of the total case study participants had had their government benefits reduced by Centrelink for breaching their mutual obligation requirements. There was a strong correlation with the marginalised and extremely vulnerable people in our community. The observations and the police data on those who were begging showed no instances of aggressive begging over the study period. The majority used passive methods or walked along streets with high-volume pedestrian traffic asking for money or cigarettes from selected pedestrians. The findings also found that begging is neither lucrative nor easy, with only small change being given. The case study showed that for most people begging is a last resort when other options have been exhausted. Most commented about their embarrassment or frustration at having to beg for money. They ceased begging as soon as they had raised sufficient money to meet their needs.

Begging was clearly a harsh necessity for some, particularly for those on reduced government benefits. However, it is seen as a lesser evil compared with other illegal activities such as dealing in drugs, theft or prostitution. Our evidence showed that for that group at that particular time begging was driven by need not greed. It is largely an economic activity by those who are very marginalised in our society. Those findings ran counter to some of the other evidence about public perceptions of the level of begging and the problems associated with it, largely from the City of Melbourne’s safety surveys and other population perception surveys. Through our observations we tried to estimate the visibility or coverage of begging in the CBD area using the evidence we had available. We found that 96 000 people may see one or more beggars on a given day, with about 2400 people in the city being personally approached for money, cigarettes and so on. A substantial proportion of those visitors, workers or traders would therefore witness begging at some time.

However, compared with European and North American cities, Melbourne clearly has a low level of begging. It only takes one or two beggars in key high-volume pedestrian points in the CBD area for a lot of people to take notice. Some people will be morally affronted by that activity and some, in some cases, may be harassed or feel threatened by it. That goes a long way to explaining the public perception and concern about the level of begging. We must remember to put begging into proportion and not to beat up the issue.

We made a range of key recommendations that I will not go into as they are contained in our report on the study. In terms of the context of these hearings we support the repeal of the Vagrancy Act. We also advocate that legislation be introduced that will prevent local government taking what we would consider to be inappropriate punitive action against the marginalised and disadvantaged in the community. We do not really see any community benefit in taking such punitive approaches, which in some cases have been adopted in, for example, American cities. I do not think that does any good, nor does it benefit the public, the individuals or the broader community.

The CHAIRMAN — You did this study in conjunction with Melbourne City Council, which obviously did have and may still have concerns about begging. What was its reaction? What sort of responses is it now pursuing? Are you aware of its response to your study findings?

Mr HORN — Yes. At the time it collaborated fully with the study and funded part of it. By way of background, Hanover had already decided to do some work in that area in about October 2000. It was as we were discussing those issues with a range of stakeholders that we found out the City of Melbourne was also considering the issue, which had been raised by traders in the lead-up to Christmas. We got together with its safety policy team and worked together to develop what we hoped would be a reasonably robust methodology.

The city collaborated fully with the study. It is probably for it to say, but it would be fair to say that, as we list in the background to the report, in the past the council has engaged in a number of activities to try to deal with the issue of begging, including providing information, material and so forth to raise an awareness about begging and to develop responses to it. After the study there have been a range of activities to try to improve the responsiveness of welfare agencies in the CBD, enabling people who may be marginalised and vulnerable to relieve their situation by going to welfare agencies. There are a number of activities that have been developed in that area that the council could talk about.

We more generally advocate for increased resources in the area of crisis accommodation and outreach teamwork to better assist people over a longer period — that is, 7 days a week, 24 hours a day rather than just during office hours. There needs to be an increase in that area. The City of Melbourne was supportive of that approach. There was also a commitment to undertake additional research in this area. The City of Melbourne is just about to agree to fund another piece of work that will replicate this study. One of the limitations we found in the study was that we were doing it at a particular time or during a particular season in the year. Our study followed quite some media coverage and a heavy police presence under Operation Leader at the time. There were situations that may have affected the prevalence and pattern of begging at that time. We propose to repeat the study in the next three months, which will be at about a six-month opposite period of the year — that is, spring versus late summer. It will be interesting to see whether the level of begging or the patterns have changed. As I understand it, the council is committing to support that piece of work.

Ms BEATTIE — You said that when you were doing the study you found no evidence of gangs begging. Do you have any anecdotal evidence of that or is it a myth?

Mr HORN — That it does occur?

Ms BEATTIE — Yes.

Mr HORN — It would be fair to say there is some group begging activity. One case that the police put to us from previous experience was an interesting case study. They told of two young people who for a period went up behind electronic teller machines as somebody was about to withdraw money. Then they asked for money. I am not sure that two people constitutes a gang; that is a subjective judgment. The presence of two people rather than one and the harsher intimidating approach is of concern. Hanover would certainly like to see measures that prevented that occurring. That kind of aggressive begging is a very different situation from what is largely passive begging. However, in the study period the police did not charge or report anybody who was doing it in a group setting; it was predominantly single people. Similarly, our observations on the days we did research observations was of no group begging activity across the eight key areas in the CBD.

In general terms we have to separate the issue of passive begging from the behaviour of young adult groups that we know from our other work come into the city quite often on Friday evenings. They may stay in the city over weekends. They are not homeless and probably not destitute. They are looking for fun or activity, and probably will get involved in drugs and alcohol. They get bored and they adopt what would be regarded as aggressive and largely illegal behaviour. We have to separate those issues from the passive begging issue, not capture that group in a more punitive response.

The CHAIRMAN — How would we do that? One of the proposals that people have mentioned is to have a provision for aggressive begging. You raise an interesting point about young people who come to the city and are affected by various substances, making them more aggressive in their behaviour. How would you seek to differentiate that? Would you have provision for aggressive begging, or begging under the influence?

Mr HORN — It probably goes beyond my expertise. I am not a legislator or a lawyer or legally trained. I would think you would have to sit down and define those kinds of behaviour and the characteristics which would constitute aggressive behaviour. With harassment and intimidation there may be issues about how many people are involved or where the activity is — for example, any activity within 10 metres of an electronic teller machine you might say was illegal under the Summary Offences Act or some other form of legislation rather than the a vagrancy act in its own right.

The CHAIRMAN — I guess my question was that you would be comfortable with those sorts of provisions?

Mr HORN — Yes. I think Hanover would be keen to ensure that the public can walk through the city and go about their normal business, whether they be traders or visitors, without fear of harassment or intimidation. I think that is reasonable. It is a matter of where you draw that line and how you define that. I am not an expert in that area. Certainly Hanover would support that notion, but we would be encouraging much more of a social welfare response to those people who are forced to beg. Some people use the words ‘genuine beggar’. I am not sure I would support that entirely, but it does convey an issue that these are people who are genuinely marginalised, who are largely homeless and disfranchised, and we need to have better resources and measures to assist and maximise those people’s chances of getting off the street and not having recourse to begging in the first place.

The CHAIRMAN — Some months ago I looked at begging overseas, specifically in Europe, and there was a great degree of cooperation between the police and the social welfare agencies in dealing with the problem. There was a strong belief by both the police and the agencies that begging should remain as an offence because it allowed the police at many times and at the behest of the agencies to go out and solve problems that they could not otherwise do. They quoted examples such as when there would be a particular group; there might be one standover merchant, if you like, in a group and the agencies saw great benefit in being able to remove that person, which they could not do because they did not have the powers and they could use the police for that.

Very interestingly most of the social welfare agencies I spoke to made the point time and again that they wanted and used the cooperation of the police to provide the impetus to the beggars to actually come to the agency. If they were left alone they were more or less, I use the word in inverted commas, ‘happy’ to be out there, but they used the police to just disrupt them a little bit and, as it were, drive them into the arms of the agencies. There was very strong cooperation between the two groups. Do you work closely with the police in this area, or is there any cooperation between, for instance, your group as a major housing provider and the police?

Mr HORN — There is strong cooperation, but not specifically on the issue of begging. The cooperation is more in terms of illegal or antisocial behaviours within, for example, our crisis accommodation settings at Hanover Southbank, and so forth. That is where the strongest cooperation would be, and we have a range of protocol arrangements with the police to respond to issues that occur in that crisis accommodation. In terms of our outreach team, which does the bulk of the work in the CBD area, I would say they have very cooperative relationships on an informal basis, probably not through any formalised arrangement, and that sounds like the sort of thing you are talking about.

I suppose I would question that you do not necessarily need a legislative arrangement — a big stick, if you like — of a vagrancy act to actually develop cooperative relationships between police and welfare agencies to achieve a good outcome for people who are on the street at a particular point in time. There are other ways of responding to those people’s needs. Cooperation between mental health services and welfare agencies would be a good starting point. The drivers should be looked at from different directions rather than using a punitive stick approach.

My other comment is that from my experience — predominantly in London, but I have certainly travelled in Europe in the last few years — there is a much higher level of begging. It is probably more extremely related to heroin use, high levels of heroin street injecting and so forth, which has quite a different pattern of behaviour in most of those European cities. I can only talk personally, but I would be worried about walking down some of the streets of London, Amsterdam or Hamburg in the evening or even in daylight, whereas in Melbourne generally that is not a problem. We have a very different behaviour pattern here, largely because we have a pretty good welfare net. We have a supported accommodation assistance program that does work reasonably well to pick up most people. We just need to improve that response and we would prevent the issues that we are talking about. That would be the better way to do it.

Ms BEATTIE — You talked about the punitive actions of local councils.

Dr Blumenthal, we haven’t got a submission from the municipal association, have we?

Dr BLUMENTHAL — No. I did have a phone conversation with them.

Ms BEATTIE — Could you talk to us about that, because I have no knowledge of that particular area?

Mr HORN — I am not a legal person, but my understanding is that local councils can introduce their own provisions and have done so. The City of Melbourne certainly has a provision.

My concern is, if there were a vacuum in the sense that the Vagrancy Act were repealed it would be possible that those local councils could retain or even strengthen punitive responses to begging. They could basically do what they liked without any strong recourse from the community — or sufficiently strong recourse from the community. This is a broad enough issue that the state government should be taking a leading role and making a judgment as to whether this should be seen as a social health issue or a punitive criminal activity. In that case, if it takes the side of the social health response and repeals some of those provisions then I would have thought amendments to the Local Government Act to prevent local councils introducing their own acts would be consistent with that policy direction. Our concern would be that local councils could introduce very strong and very harsh measures in their own right. That may serve their interests, it may drive the issue locally from their areas, as we have seen in American cities, but all it does is push it to another local area, so it has no real benefit or long-term outcomes for either the individual or the community across the metropolitan area. Those would be some of my concerns.

The CHAIRMAN — I have no further questions. Once again, I congratulate you. It is good that the research has been done because it is enormously important to have some factual knowledge base in dealing with these things. You have produced a very good paper, and I thank you for your submission and for coming and talking to us.

Mr HORN — Thank you very much.

The CHAIRMAN — In due course you will get a transcript from Hansard of your comments here today. When you do, if you could have a quick check through it to see that it factually represents what you have said. If you have any changes, get back to us a soon as possible so we can proceed. With those few comments, thanks very, very much for your time and effort. Very well done!

Witness withdrew.


Criminal Bar Association

Mr E. Lorkin, Secretary


The CHAIRMAN — Thank you for coming to see us and thank you for the submission from the Criminal Bar Association. We are very interested to hear your views as a practitioner, given that we have had the police and various social welfare agencies talk to us this morning, which has given us the two poles of the argument. The issues have tended to revolve around consorting, loitering and begging in particular. I do not know if you have any preliminary remarks you would like to make that would be useful?

Mr LORKIN — I should make a couple of disclaimers. To the extent that you have thanked me I appreciate that, but I can take no credit for the submission. It was in fact prepared by Michelle Hodgson, a committee member of the association, who is currently basking in Bali. I have read it and in large measure adopt it, and it is certainly said to represent the views of the association, and it does.

Are you familiar with the association, how it is comprised and what its interests are? It may help, in order for you to work out where in the pendulum objectively the association’s submission might sit, that I say who we are and what we do. We are approximately 400 members. The membership of the Victorian bar is about 1200 these days, which is a frightening figure. Four hundred of them makes us the largest bar association by a very considerable margin. We are fairly active. We have got about a third of the judiciary in Victoria — whether it be judges or magistrates — as honorary members of the association, and we have some prosecutors, though not as many as we think we should. They are more difficult to encourage to join because there is a joining fee and they would like the DPP or the OPP to pay it and we don’t care who pays it but we are not going to waive it. So we have not got as many of them as we would like. Notwithstanding that we are a fairly broad church, if you like.

Having said that, it would be misleading you — and I recall the oath — to say that we are not defence based: we are. In the main our perspective and view will be driven by what we believe to be issues of fairness essentially for people who face the fact of being charged and taken through the legal process by the state. Hence our interests are very much driven by matters associated with legal aid rates and the like; practice and procedure in courts; rights accorded by police; search and seizure — all those sorts of issues.

When we saw this discussion paper, frankly we were delighted to see the philosophical base that the committee seemed to us to be adopting — and it is stated clearly enough in your foreword in the discussion paper — because it seemed to us to be very enlightened and stated in a way which must be rather challenging to some of the stakeholders in the system. We applaud you for that. I am sure you would have heard from others appearing before you that you are going too far, or you are threatening to go too far.

There would be some instances where I think the police would have an argument that either some of the alternative offences that are contained in specific legislation may not wholly encompass some of the provisions and offences that are contained in the Vagrancy Act. Having said that, in the main, they are capable of being either repealed altogether, subject to individual discussion — and I am sure we will have that — or placed elsewhere and only as necessary replicated: replaced elsewhere perhaps is what I mean. They are the broad essential philosophical positions and the general approach that the CBA would take to the issues that you are considering.

The CHAIRMAN — Perhaps if we could work through some of the specifics. We would ask you, I am sure, in dealing with them to not just put on your defence hat but to put on a sort of broader hat as well, if you are able to.

Mr LORKIN — In response to that: I was the associate Director of Public Prosecutions for the commonwealth for five years. There is the director and the associate director, both with the same statutory powers, so I was that from 1992-97. I have not forgotten that. I still prosecute a great deal. I have a very broad view of where the law ought to go, and the association sent me here, so there is no problem.

The CHAIRMAN — We had a particular recommendation on consorting which was fundamentally to repeal. We have heard significant evidence from the police along the lines that this is an extremely useful provision for them as it allows them to identify and get involved with — and these are my words — ‘nests of thieves’ and thus it is a useful mechanism for protecting the community from these people. They seem to only use the provision which is the habitual — —

Mr LORKIN — The third one.

The CHAIRMAN — We have asked them if we were to repeal paragraphs (a) and (b) whether that would be a problem for them and they said they would think about it and get back to us, but certainly from all the evidence they gave us they only use the habitual. In response, we made the point that, if it is your objective to break up nests of thieves before they go out and cause mayhem in the community, if they were sensible thieves they would do it down in some cellar somewhere, hardly where you could get to them, so is this really a necessary provision? They assert that it is. We point out again that there have been very few convictions or cases brought under consorting.

Mr LORKIN — Six, I think, according to the schedule.

The CHAIRMAN — I do not know from your experience whether you have a view of whether this provision is one — certainly my view would be that if the provision is a useful one in protecting the community against crime then maybe there is a good case for keeping it.

Mr LORKIN — Indeed, if it can be demonstrated to be the fact I would of course agree with it too because it is a mother’s milk proposition really. I am not so sure, though, that asserting it does much to demonstrate it. The absence of recourse to successfully charging over a reasonable period of time to my mind is one indicator: it is not a complete indicator, but it is one indicator which tells somewhat against the assertion.

Members of the police understandably are reluctant to give up any tool which may have benefit so far as they are concerned in an operational sense. That is not really what this provision is meant to be. It is not meant to be a tool for investigators. If it is meant to be anything it is meant to constitute an offence which upon detection and upon assessment of the evidence should be prosecuted. It is not meant to afford police an easy way in which to turn known criminals over, nor to put pressure on them, nor to say to them, ‘We are keeping an eye on you and you know that’. In other words, the utility of it, from a police perspective, might be quite seductive but that does not mean that it is an appropriate criminal offence any longer, if it ever was.

I was at the opening of the County Court this morning and mindful of where I was going to be this afternoon had a quiet word to a couple of County Court judges whose opinions I greatly value because they see this — these are the criminal judges, really, the people who are running those criminal lists. It is true that a lot of this stuff is disposed of in the Magistrates Court, but neither of the two I spoke to when I said, ‘What is your view about the Vagrancy Act? How important is it?’ — and I’m not going to verbal them, who they were — could really see any basis for it.

Consorting: I said, ‘Now what about consorting? How long since you’ve seen a consorting?’ — ‘Never!’. Well, not never, but not for years. And I said, ‘Would you be surprised to hear that three people were each sentenced to three months jail in the Magistrates Court the year before this?’ — ‘Flabbergasted!’. But they were sentenced so the police on those three occasions plainly had sufficient material to convince a magistrate of the need to send someone to jail for what is not an insignificant period of time these days. I do not know the facts and circumstances of those cases — I think they might have all been in Bendigo but I might be wrong about that. Wherever they were, there were only three and I must say that my concern is not so much for those three but for the use that police traditionally have made of these consorting provisions, and that does concern me.

If they can produce what I would regard as hard evidence, which would not compromise their operational integrity, of the real utility of these offences not as a tool to assist them external to the prosecution to those offences, then I reckon they should be encouraged to bring it forward and you can weigh that and make an informed decision, but simply to hear a representative of either the police association or Victoria Police say, ‘We want this because it is important’ — ‘And why is it important?’ — ‘Because we want it’: that would be my concern.

The CHAIRMAN — If we could just go through the points. I know that we are picking your brains, as it were. Associated with that is the question of loitering with intent, which is a similar type of thing. One of the issues that the police raised with us is that if it could be expanded for drug offences that certainly would be a very useful provision for them. They make the point that there can be a known drug dealer out on the street who is a bit of a honey pot surrounded by various people wanting to make a transaction, but they are so sophisticated in the way they make the transaction the police can never actually pick them up, and if they had the ability to use the loitering with intent to deal in drugs provision, that would be very useful for moving on these types of people which, I must say on the face of it, given the scale of the problem, might be useful.

Mr LORKIN — Can I say I do not understand the present provision to be limited in the way in which I expect the police are asserting that it is limited to property offences.

The CHAIRMAN — Actually that is an interesting point because where paragraph (f) says ‘being a suspected person or a known or reputed thief, loiters’ — and so on — ‘with an intent to commit an indictable offence’, they seem to be asserting that person might be a suspected drug dealer, but I think they would rather be saying that if that drug dealer were convicted then that is lot easier for them.

Mr LORKIN — I am unaware of any case which interprets the expression ‘indictable offence’ in any way otherwise than generally. I think that expression replaced ‘felony’ and ‘misdemeanour’ when those two terms were done away with in the early 1980s. I would have thought the expression ‘indictable offence’ would apply to an indictable dealing with drugs. If that is not correct I would be surprised, but they may be aware of authority that says that because the introductory words in paragraph (f) are ‘thief’ or ‘cheat’, they are alternatives. Though, being a suspected person is not really on its face linked to being a thief or a cheat, so if one was suspected of being a drug dealer and was loitering in a public place with intent to do a drug deal which was indictable — quantities and all that sort of stuff — then I cannot see why on the face of it that is not capable of application.

Having said all that, I do not know whether that is the right way to approach the issue. If they want to deal with drugs, this is not the vehicle to do it, I don’t reckon. It seems to me they should be developing a submission, not to this committee but through the normal channels for law reform, to say that one of the things they need in their drug detection and prevention program is a different piece of armoury. I do not reckon you look at Acts and say — it clearly was not designed for drug stuff, I accept that — let’s use it and not only use it but change it to make it absolutely plain that it is capable of use for drug stuff; that seems to me to be an unfortunate way to achieve the best sort of legislative outcome.

Generally speaking, you need a holistic approach, so you look at what your drug armoury legislation is, you pick it up, do a 360 with it — turn it upside down and inside out — and then you ask what are the deficiencies. From a policy point of view I do not think it is a particularly wise way to go to simply try to slide something in. I am not saying that in a deprecating way. I suppose I am having two bob each way. I am saying on the one hand it probably covers it, but if it does not cover it you should make it plain that it should cover it; it should be done deliberately and as part of a proper program of evaluation of drug strategies, really.

The CHAIRMAN — We also thought, as you would have read from our recommendation, that it was probably too wide but there still was some value in a loitering-with-intent type provision, that it could be sharpened up by amending it to require, in addition to loitering, that the performance of an act would be intent to commit a crime.

Mr LORKIN — I agree entirely, and it seems to me it is consistent with your concerns, which the association supports, that to have a provision of this sort is really a reversal of the onus of proof. It is a presumption of guilt. It is the very thing that made a great deal of sense in the 1800s and not a lot of sense in this century and hopefully a bit of the last century.

How one does it — it seems to me it is an overt act of some sort, short of an overt act which would be sufficient to constitute an attempt, and that is going to be a parliamentary draftsman’s dream on the one hand and nightmare on the other because it won’t be easy. As you probably know, the whole way in which attempts are characterised is to have reference to an overt act which is proximate — that is, not remote — and is relevant to the ultimate offence. So you are really inverting that and saying that you are now looking for an overt act that is not proximate and therefore is not an attempt. It is a bit of an odd creature but it is a better odd creature than having loitering, which is really driven by past history where — I cannot remember the relevant provision — there is a provision which permits the police to come in and as it were certify that Bloggs, for example, has been a thief or a this or a that, and the magistrates used to virtually rubber-stamp it; one equalled the other. In many senses in human experience it is not unreasonable that if someone who is a known thief is hanging around at 2.00 in the morning not near a street lamp, looking pretty suss, it is not hard to think that they were not there to exercise the dog they did not have with them. But having said that, I think we have moved past that as a society and therefore I agree with you that we are comfortable with the concept of a loitering offence, but we would be very much comfortable if it was driven by something which had an overt act attached to it. I am sure David will be as worried as me in a drafting sense but it is not impossible; it will just be unusually difficult.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Because the old wording was more than merely preparatory to the commission of an offence, so this means less than preparatory.

Mr LORKIN — Exactly. That was the other half of the equation that I was fumbling for before. One would be saying it is short of preparatory, but it is more than merely existing and imputing ill intention, which is really where we are at the moment.

The CHAIRMAN — The other big issue that we have been wrestling with is this one of begging. We have had several propositions on the one hand saying that begging is fundamentally a social issue — a sort of harmlessness, poverty and so on, and therefore should not be a criminal issue, but on the other hand saying there are some begging activities which are quite aggressive and threatening and are the sort of behaviour that is to be discouraged by the full force of the law, and therefore perhaps those begging provisions should be in some way specified as aggressive begging or some form of term like that.

Mr LORKIN — I think it is a very tempting and seductive halfway house, but I must say I think it is probably lacking in principle.

I should make a disclosure of interests: I dislike begging intensely. I find it annoying at best and threatening at worst, but aggressive begging is really still driven by begging. In other words, it is a phrase which has at its heart that it is the begging — it is the method of begging, admittedly, but it is the begging. I would probably have a view that is consistent with the social view that you have heard from others. I think that begging, like any other interaction between two persons, can be conducted in a way which is either lawful or unlawful. The way in which it is lawful is simply to ask for money — perhaps ask several times for money — but ultimately do no more. As soon as it becomes an assault then it is actionable, and I do not see putting the tag ‘aggressive begging’ on it does any more than say it is a form of assault. Why? Because the person against whom the aggressive begging has operated has been put into a state of fear, and anything short of that is really part, I think sadly, of modern community.

So for me, and speaking for the CBA of course — frankly, I discussed this issue this morning with our chairman, because I was concerned that I did have a view on it. I must say I threw it at him and said, ‘What do you think of something that might represent a halfway house?’ And he said, ‘It is an assault or it is nothing’. I must say that is my feeling too. But it is a difficult one for this committee because I am sure the general community is perturbed by what happens in so many sections of Melbourne now. There are a number of prosecutions for begging in the schedule — is it 31 or more? I assume they were not instances of people just sitting there with their hands out.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Three hundred and six.

Mr LORKIN — Yes, quite a large number. Perhaps they were traditional begging situations. I do not see newspaper reports of people being dealt with for that but it does not sound as though there would be 300 assault-type instances, either. The police have a lot to do with it, I suppose — police presence and moving people on — but I must say it is the minority that really create that as a sizeable problem. I would have thought the police would be able to deal with them easily enough. I do not know whether that helps you or not.

The CHAIRMAN — The police say they can deal with them but they do not have the power to do so.

Mr LORKIN — Yes, but I say they do have the power, because if they see it happen under this current offence they need the assistance and evidence of the person approached. The police cannot do it on their own. If the person approached says, ‘I was put into a state of fear’, why? If it is an entirely unreasonable state of fear then the police will say they cannot prosecute, but if it is a reasonable state of fear — the person pursued them, kept jumping in front of them, kept demanding $2 or $5 or whatever, that is an assault under the existing law, provided the person is prepared to come to court and swear to it.

The CHAIRMAN — I think that is probably the police’s point, that that is a significant extra hurdle for them to jump over.

Mr LORKIN — But I suspect it is not an extra hurdle, because the person is going to have to come to court under the present provisions, unless the beggar makes the admission to the police. I do not think the beggar will say, ‘I was threatening this person’.

The CHAIRMAN — I guess that is the problem with some sort of threatening thing, that if it was some sort of aggressive begging, the beggar could say, ‘No, I wasn’t being aggressive, I was just begging normally’.

Mr LORKIN — That is the point. So in the end it is a question of persuasion by calling the aggrieved citizen and charging that person with that offence — assault. If it is not there, it is not there; but charging them with aggressive begging is not much different except it still seems to me ultimately to criminalise begging.

The CHAIRMAN — There is one other interesting issue which we dealt with when we did our report into the Summary Offences Act, and that was that although provisions existed under the Crimes Act for various offences that were replicated under the Summary Offences Act, the seriousness of the outcomes for the perpetrator are quite different and therefore we chose to preserve a few of them in the Summary Offences Act for lesser seriousness. I think you mentioned the possession of housebreaking instruments, is that correct? If we were to repeal that, that only leaves the Crimes Act in operation, is that right?

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Yes, section 91.

Mr LORKIN — Yes, ‘out and about’.

The CHAIRMAN — Therefore is there a case to move a lesser penalty into the Summary Offences Act for that, or is that a provision that is hardly ever used anyway and is at a more minor level?

Mr LORKIN — I suspect if anything it is never used on the indictable level. It used to be. It used to be that any time a person was charged with burglary and it went off to trial they had on the presentment ‘going equipped’. It was just a — —

The CHAIRMAN — Extra strength.

Mr LORKI— An extra strength, in the same boat. But that has fallen to one side; it is not done any more. If I had asked those two judges this morning when was the last time they saw a section 91 on a presentment in the County Court I think they would have laughed. It is hard to see a ‘going equipped’-type case ever justifying going to trial, so I would have thought if anything there is a very good case to be made for putting it into the Summary Offences Act.

The point the police made was likely to be that section 91 requires you to be ‘out and about’, equipped, and therefore to that extent section 7(1)(g) would not be replicated by relying solely on section 91, and I think there is force in that. For example, were they to execute a warrant on my place looking for stolen property and they came in and found a lock pick then section 91 would not apply because I am not out and about, whereas the section 7(1)(g) offence would because it is mere possession.

So from the CBA’s point of view I would have thought there is an argument you can mount. It is not mounted in our submission, but you could mount an argument that there should be a summary offence provision which is similar to section 7(1)(g) or so much of section 91 as applies, plus it would have general application to possession. But what it ought not have, with respect, is the reverse onus that presently exists under the Vagrancy Act. In other words, if I am found with a lock pick in those circumstances and I am charged and I do not have an explanation, I am sure the magistrate will have little difficulty in inferring that I was not going to clean my fingernails with it. It seems to me we have moved beyond the whole idea of having reverse onus except in very rare areas — drugs are still one, but that is for very good reason. But these are rare creatures now. I do not think the old professional thieves with their kits and all the rest of it exist any more except in crime theatre and that sort of thing, so I would not think it is a big deal. But to the extent that police were saying section 91 is not sufficient for their purposes, I can understand that. I would not think it should be anything except a summary offence, and that is why section 91 permits it to be tried summarily anyway, so unless the magistrate was concerned that for quite serious reasons it was not something that was properly tried summarily, but I have not heard of one going to trial for a long, long while.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — I wish to ask a little more on that section 91 consolidation, because the issue also came up with Department of Natural Resources and Environment — the face blackened with unlawful intent provision.

Mr LORKIN — Are they disguised as seals or something?

Dr BLUMENTHAL — The problem was not so much concealment as these poachers would wear a disguise or blacken themselves and their boat ID, so even though they might be caught, off they would go in their boat. Because they could not be identified they could not effectively be charged.

Mr LORKIN — They could not be charged anyway if they could not be identified, could they?

Dr BLUMENTHAL — I assume if the fisheries officers saw their faces and then the cops picked them up, they could say, ‘Yes, that was the guy’. Let’s say these people were wearing masks or whatever. There is no way you can prove that was the person, because you could not properly identify them, so that was also the suggestion. So disguised, face blackening, going equipped to steal, all those things go to a summary offence.

Mr LORKIN — I do not understand the connection between the complaint you have just outlined — that is, because they had their faces blackened they could not be identified. The fact is if they do not know who they are, you can put it in any act you like, it will not help. I had understood the problem would be something like this: that abalone poaching is a summary and not an indictable offence; is that right?

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Yes.

Mr LORKIN — Therefore, if you put this into section 321M of the Crimes Act, it only deals with indictable offences. Therefore, they say, were we to get someone and actually catch them, and they had their face blackened, it would not be enough anyway because it is not an indictable offence. I understand that. The answer to that is if it is serious — and I thought abalone theft was very serious, was rife, it undermines the community et cetera — it should be made an indictable offence. It is plainly serious and it is no wonder they are roaring around pinching it because they just factor it into the cost of doing business. That would be my answer to that. As to putting face blackening and disguise generally as a dot point in section 321M, I do not like that really.

The CHAIRMAN — It is all very problematic, I agree.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — One final question: with the firearms offences which we are not proposing to deal with because they are dealt with under other acts, the Police Association and the police indicated that is not covered is the criminal intent element.

Mr LORKIN — I agree with that and it should be.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — So they should be re-enacted.

Mr LORKIN — If you have possession of a firearm and the police or prosecution can prove with criminal intent, that ought to throw open a greater range of sentencing options than possession of a firearm simpliciter. It seems to me it is an aggravated offence.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Is it possible that would also cover a situation where you had someone who was legitimately licensed for that firearm who would otherwise not be chargeable except for that possession with criminal intent?

Mr LORKIN — Yes.

The CHAIRMAN — You are saying that is not sufficiently covered?

Dr BLUMENTHAL — There is a huge number of firearms offences to do with possession of any of those prohibited weapons or being unlicensed, all those things, but the one thing they do not seem to cover is if you legitimately own a gun but you have criminal intent. That’s the part, because that is the one thing these acts do not include apparently.

Mr LORKIN — That is my understanding too. I have not checked the provisions, but that is my understanding.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — I will have another look over them as well.

Mr LORKIN — There you are punishing, it seems to me, not the mere possession, but the possession with criminal intent, which is a gravamen quite different to improper or illegal or unauthorised possession of a firearm.

Dr BLUMENTHAL — Once again this fits in that narrow band between attempt and the commission of a crime, so if someone was walking down the street with a gun, you might not be able to prove they were on their way to that liquor store to rob it, but you could say it was criminal intent because they were looking for some target.

Mr LORKIN — Yes. Knight is an interesting case — the recent convicted murderer who went into the termination clinic in East Melbourne with a firearm. He had in his possession, as I understand it, 30 gags. Let’s assume he was picked up in Richmond so you have no idea where he is going, and all he has is an unauthorised firearm, on the face of it. Then you add the 30 gags. You would say that is possession with criminal intent, because unless there is some other explanation for why he has 30 gags, the two connect, and that changes the nature of the offence. I think the police would be entitled to say, ‘We want to charge that sort of an offence, not mere possession of an unlicensed firearm’.

The CHAIRMAN — It seems that should not be in the Summary Offences Act.

Mr LORKIN — The Crimes Act, I would have thought

Dr BLUMENTHAL — We could recommend an amendment to the specialised firearms legislation probably.

Mr LORKIN — Or the Crimes Act, one or the other.

The CHAIRMAN — Thank you, Mr Lorkin, it was extremely useful to get a cut-and-thrust summary of things. Thank you and your association for its submission.

Mr LORKIN — We would like in return to thank the committee for allowing us to make a submission and for coming along today. We regard these sorts of exchanges as very important and from our members’ perspective, essential, so thank you all.

The CHAIRMAN — The committee will send a copy of the Hansard transcript to you in due course. If you think something you have said has not been adequately recorded we would appreciate if you could get back to the committee as soon as possible. Thank you.

Committee adjourned.


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