In responding to the Terms of Reference outlined for the Inquiry, the Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee (SARC) has undertaken an exhaustive investigation of the impact of new technologies, such as mobile telephones and the Internet, on Victorian democracy. In undertaking this Inquiry, the Committee considered a wide range of perspectives: academic literature, submissions from members of the public, the Victorian Public Service (VPS) and community groups, evidence collected in North America and Europe, evidence on social and technological trends, and Australian initiatives that may be employed to enhance the democratic opportunities for all Victorians.
The Committee was impressed by the wide array of activities it found around the world, evidence that the convergence of computation and communication has dramatically expanded the ways in which citizens may express themselves, participate in public life and be informed about the work of their governments and political representatives. Through the course of this Inquiry, the Committee has come to the conclusion that democracy can be well served by technology, but only as an enabler of public participation in the political and policy making processes of democracy. Technology in and of itself cannot provide a solution to questions of public participation and public cynicism about our political institutions.
Thus, it is the view of the Committee that governments and parliaments are not able to provide electronic democracy in and of themselves. Our public institutions can only be required to provide the necessary ingredients to enable democracy to flourish: open access to information, avenues for participation, skills and training, and a willingness to listen as well as lead. Electronic democracy, like its offline counterpart, can only come from the readiness of the community to participate in government, to inform itself about policy and political issues and to take the opportunities on offer to make their concerns heard by decision makers in government.
This report is divided into four parts:
In Part I, the report outlines key background issues and principles that have shaped the conduct of the Inquiry. From a position that reiterates and reaffirms our core democratic values, the section discusses the social and technological context of Victorian society in the 21st century, the diffusion of new technologies through our community and the extent to which Victorians are politically active online.
In Part II, the report acknowledges that electronic democracy is facilitated by the provision of information in an accessible and timely manner to the community and political interest groups. From evidence gathered overseas, this section recognises that non-government organisations and politically-active individuals can be empowered through provision of the widest possible array of information available, either for direct use in lobbying government or to reformat and filter this information for others in the community. In an age of information abundance, there is no longer any need for governments to second-guess the uses to which members of the body politic may employ this information. In this way, locally-relevant content can be created, and creativity encouraged.
In Part III, the report focuses on avenues for communication between the Executive, the Victorian Public Service, Parliament and the Victorian community. In this section a range of participatory electronic democracy practices are reviewed, with a number of key activities (such as increased use of online consultation) recommended for adoption by Government departments and agencies and the Parliament. While the Committee rejects the need for a highly specific Government strategy for electronic democracy, it recognises the need for a co-ordinating body that can fund projects, provide a reservoir of expertise, and monitor and disseminate best-practice lessons throughout the public and community sectors. In addition, this section pays special attention to the role of technology in our electoral process, and considers the pros and cons of using computers and computer networks to undertake this practice.
In Part IV, the report pays specific attention to issues of participation and information provision by the Parliament of Victoria. This discussion includes consideration of many of the specific aspects for consideration mandated by the Terms of Reference, as well as general ways to increase exposure to the public of Parliamentary activities and decision-making practices.
Democracy, the central principle upon which good governance of the State of Victoria rests, cannot be taken for granted. As the basis of the rule of law, a system of social and economic organisation and an ethic of mutuality and respect for others, the democratic system of our Government must respond to, and reflect, the times, issues and concerns facing the citizenry.
In the classical use of the term, democracy rejects the notion that political leadership is given by social status or divine predetermination. Instead, it is founded on rule by the subjects of the state - citizens - who participate in collective decision making to advance their common interests (Minogue, 1987:49-52). In the modern era, this notion has been developed to produce the type of democracy we enjoy in Victoria; a representative democracy in which law is determined by the institutions of Parliament and the Courts, with political representatives (Members of Parliament) elected by citizens of voting age and empowered to act on our behalf and in our interest.
While the underpinning concepts of any political system are, and should remain, the subject of public debate, the Committee asserts that democratic governance in Victoria rests on four general principles (Prothro and Grigg, 1970:2; Democratic Audit of Australia, 2004:1):
The Principle of Majority Rule: that political office holders should be elected by a popular vote of the citizens of the state
The Principle of Equality: that each citizen should have an equal opportunity to influence government policy
The Principle of Human Rights: that citizens have fundamental privileges to engage in political association and activity without fear of harassment or repression from others (including government)
The Principle of Minority Rights: that minority groups, of any type, should be free to participate in political life and criticise decisions of the majority free from persecution.
These principles require political organisation through the institutions and structures that contain and shape political activity in our society. At times, these principles come into conflict, such as the need to place limits on absolute personal freedom to ensure the effective participation of others. But, as a general guide to the basis of political organisation in Victoria, the Committee resolved that these principles should be both maintained and used as the fundamental criteria by which governments and civil society actors can assess the health of our democracy, as well as initiatives and changes to our political system.
Any electronic democracy initiative introduced by the State of Victoria, including the Parliament, should be assessed against the four principles of:
Majority rule through popular elections and the primacy of Parliament
Equality of participation in civic life for all citizens
Human rights of citizens to participate freely in public life
Minority rights of groups within the community
From these guiding principles, we must recognise that the way in which democracy has been fostered in Victoria and is conducted today is subject to change. Since the foundation of the State of Victoria in 1850, our democratic system has undergone a range of changes: from the introduction of universal male suffrage, recognising the changing status of women in society through extension of this right to women, to compulsory and absentee voting to secure the responsibility of participation and provide greater access to the electoral process.
In addition, it should be recognised that the political institutions that make up the democratic system we live within, shape, and are shaped by, the technologies for participation and communication of the time in which they are developed. The notion of parliaments themselves - centralised assemblies in which political representatives physically meet to debate laws - reflect the technology of communication and deliberation at the time of their creation. The origins of Victoria's Westminster system of parliamentary government lie firmly rooted in 13th-century England. Parliament, therefore, has its genesis in the technology of the early period of industrialisation: in expanding networks of roads and horse-drawn transport.
In essence, therefore, this Report concerns itself with technological change and its relationship with our democratic ideals, traditions, institutions, principles and aspirations (K. Grover, Submission No. a2, p. 1). The Report is not, fundamentally, about technology, but about the role which technological changes over recent years have had in shaping the future of Victoria's democratic system.
The Terms of Reference of the Inquiry are both narrow and broad, specifying that the Committee investigate:
From the outset the Committee determined that it would consider the political impact of new technology in a very broad sense, based on the core concern: to what extent will new technologies impact (positively and negatively) on the four key democratic principles outlined above.
With specific regard to the Terms of Reference, the Inquiry has been given responsibility for examining both programmatic additions to Victoria's democratic practices (e.g. specific reference to netcasting, online consultation) and general concerns regarding technological advances that may improve or negatively affect the practice of democracy in Victoria.
The Committee regarded this reference to require investigation into:
Specific practices in the field of electronic democracy that should be adopted, rejected or monitored for future consideration as advantageous to the practice of democracy in Victoria
Developments in the political use of technology that should be regulated in the public interest to ensure fair participation in government policy making and public life
Structural issues regarding the management of technological innovation in government to facilitate openness, inclusiveness, accountability and participation by the widest number of people available.
Therefore, rather than assume a "steady state" or "status quo" approach (whereby electronic democracy, if implemented, serves to maintain current practices and levels of public participation and engagement), the Inquiry considered areas of democratic practice in Victoria that could be improved through the application of new technology.
With a diverse geography, economy and population, the State of Victoria has experienced a long history of stable democratic governance. Unlike some nations, the Westminster traditions of parliamentary government across Australia have proved to be enduring, without any significant periods of political instability or breakages in the succession of democratically-elected governments.
In general terms, it would appear that Victorian citizens retain confidence in the primary system for political decision making, formal elections, with more than 93 percent of Victorians participating during each of the past three State elections (Victorian Electoral Commission, 2003a:37)[3].
While the Committee recognises that compulsory voting may overstate popular satisfaction with our political system, survey results from the Australian National University's Australian Electoral Study of 2004 indicates the majority of Victorians are satisfied with the democratic system in Australia, and remain engaged in the processes of government through an interest in political affairs (Table 1 and Table 2, below).
Very satisfied |
19.9% |
Fairly satisfied |
60.9% |
Not very satisfied |
15.7% |
Not at all satisfied |
3.5% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study[4]
A good deal |
29.8% |
Some |
46.1% |
Not much |
20% |
None |
4.1% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study
While these results support the current political arrangements for our State, the Committee observes that participation in elections and general acceptance of our political traditions and structures do not necessarily indicate the heath of our democracy per se. As indicated in Table 3, Table 4 and Table 5, Victorians' assessments of the motivations and probity of political representatives, parties and the Victorian Public Sector remain mixed, but are generally less positive than Table 1 would indicate.
Usually look after themselves |
35.7% |
Sometimes look after themselves |
25.9% |
Sometimes can be trusted to do the right thing |
24.5% |
Usually can be trusted to do the right thing |
13.9% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study
Political parties care what people think |
Political parties make system work |
Doesn't make a difference who in power |
It doesn't make a difference who you vote for |
Gov't run by big interests |
Politicians commonly rort the system |
|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 Strongly Agree |
5.2% |
46.1% |
9.6% |
29.8% |
12.3% |
15.3% |
2 |
19% |
27.3% |
8.4% |
32.2% |
33.7% |
34.7% |
3 |
38% |
19.4% |
18.8% |
21% |
31.2% |
30.6% |
4 |
24% |
3.9% |
29.6% |
10% |
20.7% |
15.5% |
5 Strongly Disagree |
13.8% |
3.3% |
33.7% |
6.9% |
2.1% |
3.8% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study
Corruption amongst politicians |
Corruption amongst public servants |
|
|---|---|---|
Very widespread |
9.0% |
11.9% |
Quite widespread |
28.4% |
32.2% |
Not very widespread |
47.1% |
45.1% |
It hardly happens at all |
15.5% |
10.8% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study
These findings appear to be in accordance with trends in many established democracies around the world, which indicate a declining level of public confidence in political participants such as politicians and members of the bureaucracy.
In discussions during 2004 with Stephen Coleman, the CISCO Professor of e-democracy at Oxford University, Professor Coleman indicated to the Committee that this trend is similar to that experienced in the United Kingdom. In his opinion, these observations should be interpreted as indicating a continued respect for the formal institutions of democracy (elections, the Parliament), but dissatisfaction with political parties and candidates. This view is reflected in Table 6, which shows that, at the 2004 Federal election, Victorians were far less likely to engage in formal political activities (such as those of political parties), than private ones with friends, family and colleagues.
Discussed politics with others |
Talk to people about vote |
Work for party / candidate |
Go to meetings or rallies |
Contribute money |
|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Frequently |
19.4% |
2.9% |
3.6% |
1.3% |
2.1% |
Occasionally |
45.8% |
11.9% |
3.6% |
1.5% |
1.7% |
Rarely |
23.9% |
18.7% |
10% |
4.6% |
2.5% |
Not at all |
10.9% |
66.5% |
82.8% |
92.6% |
93.7% |
Source: McAllister, I, 2004, Australian Electoral Study
While these findings appear to present a negative view of Victorians' attitudes towards public affairs and their willingness to participate in politics, Professor Ian McAllister of the Australian National University (ANU) (2001:47-9) urges caution in accepting what some call a "crisis of democracy", arguing that these findings can represent normal social changes in the way people relate to existing political participants.
For example, the development of mass media and pervasive personal communications technologies have replaced many of the functions of political parties (such as being the major provider of political information), which has flowed on to change public attitudes towards these forms of public associations. The Committee recognises that it is difficult to compare levels of political participation longitudinally, as the statistical evidence available to the Inquiry was incomplete, and notions of what counts as "political" activity varies over time[5].
Of specific interest to the Inquiry, however, was formal policy process: either the legislative work of the Parliament or the processes of developing and administering government programs (Executive Government). In this context, it is possible to identify that Victorians, in the main, retain a connection to political action (as opposed simply to monitoring and being informed about political issues and events). Table 7, below, illustrates the level of political activity of Victorians; a finding that shows at least half of the Victorian population have engaged in some form of political activity in the past five years.
Contact official |
Protest / march |
Work with like others |
Signed written petition |
Signed electronic petition |
|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Yes |
25.7% |
15.5% |
20% |
51.6% |
10.6% |
No |
74.3% |
84.5% |
80% |
48.4% |
89.4% |
Source: McAllister, I, 2004, Australian Electoral Study
The Committee does not consider that disengagement from public political life is inevitable, nor is it a function of modern society per se. There is some evidence to support the proposition that the right mix of policy initiatives can foster positive public engagement with government.
Recent data collected by the Department of Human Services (cited in: Department for Victorian Communities, 2004a:12) indicates a modest increase in the number of Victorians responding positively to the question "Do you feel there are opportunities to have a real say on issues that are important to you?": forty-two percent in 2003, up from thirty-six percent in 2001. This indicates that, while the political outlook for Victoria continues to be of concern, strategic policy interventions such as the adoption of a community strengthening agenda can have positive impacts on community engagement and participation.
Overall, therefore, the Committee rejects the proposition that radical electronic democracy initiatives, such as rolling online referenda, should be introduced as a counter to declining levels of public trust in our political system and to encourage greater levels of public participation. As indicated by the submission of Dr Karin Geiselhart (Submission No. a13), a measured, evolutionary process of institutional and cultural change would be prudent, given the uncertainties about the quality of our democratic system and the underlying causes of public disengagement from it.
Like any modern management process, this cultural change will require careful benchmarking and performance measurement. The Committee considers that, in line with the range of public management performance indicators regularly collected and published by the State Government, an ongoing "democratic audit" should be provided by the Executive to the public.
This audit should broaden the base for current data collection and reporting practices (focusing on macro-level changes across a single axis) to provide focused and detailed breakdowns of levels of participation and public perceptions of the democratic opportunities on offer to them, as well as being collected and structured in a manner so as to provide diagnostic information to the Government and Parliament.
Such an audit would build upon initial work currently being undertaken within the "A Government that Listens and Leads" priority action area of the Growing Victoria Together strategic document, and the initial set of indicators developed and collected by the Department for Victorian Communities (DVC) in conjunction with the Department for Human Services (Adams, 2004:34-5).
In evidence presented by the DVC's Executive Director of Strategic Policy and Research, Dr David Adams noted that the work to date in and around concerns of social capital development and community strengthening had identified a tension between performance measurements focused at the macro level of analysis (such as State-wide indicators of performance), and effective policy interventions that tend to be driven locally (Minutes of Evidence, 17/02/05, p. 6). What this means is that, while the DVC has managed to undertake valuable local-level policy implementations of its community strengthening projects, creation of wide-scale performance shifts have been more difficult. Thus, the Committee considers that further data collection at the sub-Statistical Local Area (SLA) will be necessary to understanding whether localised electronic democracy projects "scale up" beyond their immediate participants or focal (policy) area.
Clearly, a strong working relationship between the DVC and electronic democracy demonstration or pilot programs will be the most effective means of investigating these questions. In addition, data collected at the local level offers the Government the ability to provide important democratic intelligence to Local Governments around the State. The Committee notes that the DVC is currently in discussion with each of the seventy-nine municipalities, and recommends that this approach be developed to ensure that data collected is relevant to democracy strengthening activities at the local level, and provides useful State-wide and regional aggregation. The Committee notes that it is now common in Canada for that government to maintain a specific policy unit dedicated to improvements and enhancements to the democratic process.
The responsible Minister, through data collection and aggregation by the Department for Victorian Communities, in partnership with its key stakeholders in the State and Local Government arenas, should produce a regular statement of Victorians' attitudes to our democratic system and institutions, in a manner which builds upon similar national research and supports the effective evaluation of democratic initiatives at each level of government.
This statement should include both descriptive and diagnostic information, and be updated at least once per Parliamentary term, to form the basis for an effective, ongoing agenda of reform and modernisation of the Victorian democratic system.
The electronic democracy Inquiry was initially begun in 2002, under the 54th Parliament of Victoria. That year, a discussion paper was developed for the investigating Committee and released for public comment, and a delegation travelled to Europe to meet with public officials, academic experts and civil society groups to examine electronic democracy initiatives in the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, France and within the political organisation of the European Union. Following the tabling of a report of this trip and receipt of twenty-three public submissions, the calling of a State election drew this work to a conclusion.
In 2004, under the 55th Parliament, the Terms of Reference were re-issued to the Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee to complete the Inquiry. Through a Subcommittee of SARC, the Committee determined to accept and utilise the previous submissions and work undertaken by the previous Inquiry as part of its investigation. Given the time that had passed, a new discussion paper was developed and released, and a further thirty-three submissions were received. A complete list of submissions received by both Inquiries can be found in Appendices A and B. Following a delegation to Canada and the United States of America in August 2004 to investigate electronic democracy initiatives in those countries, public hearings were held on 16-18 February 2005.
A number of witnesses provided evidence via video- and teleconferencing services, and the Committee regarded this approach to taking evidence as highly cost-effective in some cases, and to be encouraged for use in other investigations. As part of the Committee's work, it maintained a centralised website with access to information about the Inquiry, the discussion papers, links and an email discussion list (hosted by VICNET's My Connected Communities (MC2) Service) for members of the public to discuss issues from the discussion paper or other relevant matters of interest to the Inquiry. Members of the travelling delegation also produced a short blog, from wireless devices, while travelling overseas to take evidence.
The term "electronic democracy" refers to the use of computing and communications technologies in the democratic process. This term has been used to describe a range of activities, from direct participation in democratic decision making (e.g. the casting of votes in elections and referenda) to indirect forms of democratic expression, such as participation in non-binding consultation processes, and the ability of citizens to utilise new technologies to inform themselves and others about political issues and the work of their governments.
Given the formative nature of this area of practice, it must be recognised that a range of partially compatible and competing terms and descriptions have been employed to describe this and related practices. Other relevant terms include "digital democracy", "teledemocracy", "electronic governance" and a range of other similar terms.
The concept and ideas underpinning electronic democracy are not new. The notion of technologically-facilitated democratic practices has been mooted ever since the introduction of technologies that allow citizens and decision-makers to communicate over great distances. The introduction of the telegraph in the United States in the 19th century was utilised by members of political parties and the Congress to facilitate political communication and deliberation, shrinking the distance between elected representatives and constituents who may have been thousands of kilometres apart (Bimber, 2003:60). Each introduction of a new communications technology, from the printing press to broadcast technologies, has similarly had significant political implications, changing the relationship between electors and their representatives and public institutions.
In considering the broad range of activities described as "electronic democracy", the Committee decided to employ the definition developed by Martin Hagen (1997) for the initial discussion paper. Hagen defined electronic democracy as:
The breadth of coverage of this definition recognises that the emerging communications and the computing environment we are entering has significant implications across all areas of human activity. Rather than strictly contain the definition of electronic democracy employed for this Inquiry to a specific notion of direct decision making, or the institutional application of new technologies, the Committee considers use of the broadest notion of electronic democracy most relevant in determining a set of recommendations and findings that advance each of the democratic principles outlined in the introduction. This also recognises that some areas of Government practice to date, such as the provision of information by the Parliament and Government departments online, constitute both a service delivery function, and a political and democratic function.
The use of a broad definitional approach was supported in public consultation. In the submission of Monash University's Centre for Community Networking Research (Submission No. a5a), electronic democracy is defined as:
The Committee regards this definition as providing a number of particular advantages in considering electronic democracy. Namely:
An emphasis on new communications and computing technologies, rather than simply computer networks, such as the Internet
A recognition that new communications technologies can empower greater freedoms of action and association, enhancing the democratic life of members of the community
A broad interpretation of political activity through the explicit use of the term "citizens"
The retention of the emphasis on ordered and structured political activity through the rule of law.
In its Inquiry, the Committee has specifically decided to use the term "Information and communications technologies" (ICTs) throughout this report to describe the increasingly widening array of computer-based or computerised technologies employed by Victorians. While discussions of electronic democracy in the 1990s generally revolved around desktop and laptop computers with fixed-line or periodic access to the Internet and similar networks, developments in computer and communications technologies have seen an increasing convergence between devices that is leading to a greater level of mobility associated with digital technologies.
Thus, while there remains a propensity for most Victorians to utilise desktop computing systems, ICTs also include devices such as:
Internet-enabled mobile telephones such as personal digital assistants (PDAs) and PDA-telephone hybrids (such as 2.5G and 3G telephones)
Networked devices, such as terminals, Internet kiosks and computer game consoles and handhelds
Technologies that provide gateways into digital information and interactive services, such as interactive telephone systems.
In addition, the Committee recognises that networked information systems can act as repositories for other forms of communications networks: such as the rebroadcast of online multimedia content via our established television or radio stations.
Thus, any discussion of the future of electronic democracy in Victoria must be cognisant of the technological trends towards greater availability of information services via a range of electronic devices. The tendency for citizens to use different technologies will be based upon their personal experiences and needs, the availability of technologies (particularly in regional and remote locations) and the degree to which information services are developed in a way that allows them to be accessed by the new generation of portable electronics (Lin, 2003).
Given the diversity of political activity and the technologies that may be employed in electronic democracy, the Committee identified difficulties in determining public demand for new and expanded avenues of political expression via ICTs. While governments around Australia and internationally have recognised community demands for public services to be delivered online and have responded accordingly, the diffused nature of political activity makes it difficult to determine specific levels of public interest in electronic democracy initiatives.
Where possible, this Report makes note of the levels of public interest in specific electronic democracy trials and initiatives conducted in other jurisdictions. Overall, however, the Committee recognises that political participation is only one small aspect of citizens' daily concerns; a fact reflected in the modest use of new technologies for political activities to date.
In addition, it is clear that the political use of new technologies still lags behind established forms of communication. From evidence received from the Australian Electoral Study, only a small proportion of Victorians utilised the Internet to follow political news during the 2004 Federal election (Table 8), when compared with other forms of media (Table 9). In research undertaken in the United States, the four years between the Presidential elections of 2000 and 2004 saw an increase in the use of online news services, (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, 2004). However, it remains uncertain at this time whether the political use of the Internet in Victoria will grow significantly over time or remain limited to a sub-set of the community with high levels of political engagement.
Don't have access to the Internet |
35.3% |
Have access but didn't use it for election information |
52.5% |
Yes, once or twice |
6.8% |
Yes, on several occasions |
3.1% |
Yes, many times |
2.3% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study 2004
Newspapers |
Television |
Radio |
|
|---|---|---|---|
A good deal |
16.6% |
25.4% |
14.6% |
Some |
42.3% |
43.4% |
30.7% |
Not much |
29.4% |
24.9% |
29.8% |
None |
11.7% |
6.2% |
24.8% |
Source: McAllister, I., 2004, Australian Electoral Study 2004
Thus, in addition to caution about levels of community demand for electronic democracy initiatives by Government, it should be noted that this level of interest and activity is likely to fluctuate over time. Evidence received from the Internet traffic monitoring firm Hitwise (see Figure 1) indicates that there is a tendency for interest in online political information to vary depending on external events (e.g. economic and political events) and the position in the electoral cycle.
The Committee recognises that this may present challenges in effectively monitoring the performance of pilot projects and new initiatives, with the possibility that short-term results may significantly over- or under-estimate general interest in the work undertaken.
Source: Hitwise Pty Ltd, 2004, Correspondence, 22/12/04
The introduction of electronic democracy initiatives should be undertaken with consideration in mind of fluctuations of public interest in politics. Where feasible, electronic democracy initiatives or pilot projects of the Parliament and Government of Victoria should be undertaken over a complete Parliamentary term, or terms, where appropriate.
Like the rest of Australia, Victorians have been keen adopters of the type of computer and communications technologies likely to be included in any consideration of electronic democracy.
As indicated in Figure 2 and Figure 3 (page over), Internet usage by Victorian adults runs at over sixty percent, with the national rate of growth at nine percent from June 2003 to June 2004 (National Office for the Information Economy (NOIE), 2004:9).
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2004b:6
Source: NOIE, 2003b:14
From Figure 3, it is clear that Victoria is at the forefront of Internet adoption in Australia. Given that access to the Internet can be limited by poor infrastructure, this result is partially related to the State's comparatively compact geography (227,590km2) and population density focused towards urban areas of the State. As indicated in Table 10, almost three-quarters of the Victorian population live in major cities, and just under ninety-five percent of the Victorian population in the greater metropolitan catchment areas of the State.
Major cities |
73.5% |
Inner regional |
21.2% |
Outer regional |
5.2% |
Remote |
0.1% |
It is also noticeable that, while Internet adoption rates have flattened in recent years, there remains strong growth in the area of broadband Internet services. This represents a transition of consumers switching from dial-up Internet accounts (Australian Communications Authority, 2004:10) to broadband as the availability of these services increases, and costs decline.
During the period December 2003 to December 2004, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) reported a growth of 121.6 percent in broadband subscriptions (ACCC, 2005:1). While broadband access remained modest overall (1,548,300 subscriptions nationally), trends indicate significant growth in this form of Internet connectivity over the coming decade, with resultant advantages in the speed of access to information services, the distribution of "content rich" multimedia online and a growth in "always on" Internet access.
In addition to Internet-based information services, telecommunications systems provide Victorians with ready access to information services, both static and interactive. While fixed-line ("landline") telephone subscriptions remain relatively steady (with approximately 11.7 million fixed-line telephone subscribers in Australia), Australia continues to experience very strong growth in the number of people with mobile telephone services. According to the Australian Communications Authority (ACA), Australia has experienced a 14.5 percent growth in mobile telephone subscriptions from 2003 to 2004, with 16.5 million mobile phone subscriptions nationally (ACA, 2004).
While it appears commonplace for Victorian homes to have a landline telephone service and large numbers of Victorian adults a mobile telephone, in the United Kingdom there is some evidence that the increased use of mobile telephones has led to a decline in the number of fixed-line services, particularly among disadvantaged socio-economic groups (Office of Telecommunications, 1999). This trend appears to be the result of a considered decision on the part of consumers to limit the number of services (and associated service costs).
While fixed-line telephone services provide limited access to data services without a separate Internet subscription (such as interactive voice response services), many mobile telephones provide access to instant messaging and Internet or like information services. While there appears to be a tendency for most Australian mobile phones to be restricted to simple communications tasks (voice or short messaging service (SMS)), the introduction of new 2.5G and 3G (Third-Generation Mobile Telephony) services increases the availability of World Wide Web and Internet-like[6] services via these devices.
During the course of the Inquiry, the Committee received a briefing from Hutchinson Telecommunications Australia, operator of the only 3G mobile telephone network in Australia at this time. While uptake of 3G telephones is at an early stage, the Committee was able to see the potential of these devices to provide a full range of information services to the community. At the end of 2004, the "3" network maintained by Hutchison was reported as having 453,000 subscribers nationally, up from 87,000 the previous year (Jenkins, 2005). While it is unclear whether this level of growth will continue at this rate, competition in this area is likely to intensify (with two networks and four retailers soon to be in this marketplace), the range of information services available to Victorians will continue to increase during the coming years.
It was the view of Hutchison that 3G services would not replace older services in the immediate term, with a large proportion of the marketplace likely to retain existing services for a range of reasons, including lower costs and lack of interest in premium information services. In addition, given the higher infrastructure needs of 3G, the extension of these services to rural Victoria is likely to be slow. Overall, therefore, the Committee regards it likely that while mobile telephony is going to be increasingly ubiquitous in coming years, the range of services employed by Victorians will continue to be focused towards telephones with limited access to the Internet.
While the specific focus of the Inquiry indicated in the Terms of Reference is the investigation of new technologies, this Report recognises that there are limits to the capacity of Victorians to access ICTs. The "digital divide" is a term that has been used to refer to the lack of access to ICTs by certain segments of the population (Servon, 2002:1). Common access barriers include (Whyte and Marlow, 1999:3)[7]:
Literacy (language and technology skills)
Interest in, and exposure to, new communications technologies
Employment status
Education level
Infrastructure quality, often a function of remoteness (Curtin, 2001)
Age
Relevance of online content.
Thus, while adult Internet access in Victoria is over sixty percent, Figure 4 indicates how this access is not evenly spread across the Victorian community, with specific segments exhibiting disproportionately lower Internet use than the average. In its recent report on technological inclusion, the Smith Family (Muir, 2004) emphasises that the digital divide, once thought to be simply a function of economic status, is a complex social phenomenon that is not simply addressed by provision of hardware to disadvantaged groups. The current focus on the provision of access, training and locally relevant content reflects a greater understanding of the barriers to participation via ICTs (Servon, 2002).
Source: Multimedia Victoria, 2004a:13
The Committee found that a number of Government initiatives to attempt to overcome the digital divide under the Connecting Victoria Strategy; examples include:
The provision of free computer and Internet access in public libraries
The State Government e-gaps program, which focused on the provision of access and training to targeted groups in local communities
The MC2 initiative of VICNET to provide local community organisations with website and social networking tools to develop and distribute locally relevant content.
The Committee recognised the important work of groups such as Green PC, which provide recycled computers at low cost, and the work of the Swinburne Institute for Social Research which has run the Wired High Rise project to deliver access and training to residents of public housing estates.
These projects recognise the socio-economic value of ICTs, not simply as an increasingly important tool for communication, commerce and education, but in attempting to overcome issues of social exclusion and to broaden social participation (Otis and Johanson, 2004:1). Norris (2003:11) found that the use of ICTs has positive impacts on social capital: the networking effect of interpersonal relationships that builds community and cooperation. However, while many would like to draw a direct causal relationship between the use of new technologies and increases in social connectedness and personal economic and educational outcomes, the Committee recognises that the evidence for this remains far from conclusive. Meredyth, Hopkins, Weing and Thomas (2002) indicate that evidence from the Wire High Rise project has shown increases in some forms of social connections ("bonding" connections within social groups) over others ("bridging" connections between social groups).
Due to these limitations in access, it has been argued that electronic democracy is an inappropriate addition to our democratic practices at this time. This argument revolves around the view that facilitation of political participation using technologies that are not universally accessed or accessible by citizens provides an unwelcome advantage to a small segment of the community, particularly those with existing economic and social advantage (Chen, Roberts and Gibson, Submission No. b16). Given the democratic value of egalitarian participation, any change to the political structure of Victoria that systematically benefits one segment of the community (those who have access to ICTs) is by nature either plutocratic or narrowly meritocratic, but essentially undemocratic due to exclusion.
The Committee recognises and accepts this argument to some degree. Clearly, while barriers to access remain (and are likely to remain in the near term), the Committee recognises the inherent problems associated with any suggestion that access to political participation online should be substituted for existing methods of participation.
The adoption of any electronic democracy initiative by the Parliament or State Government of Victoria should not exclude conventional forms of participation. No existing method of political participation in the State of Victoria should be superseded by a method that relies solely on information and communications technologies.
Conversely, from submissions received by the Inquiry, the Committee accepts that to allow the digital divide to prevent the adoption of electronic democracy initiatives would also be discriminatory. Many of the submissions received highlighted the benefits of having multiple channels of access to Government policy processes and services, allowing greater freedom of action to the community to choose its preferred method to interact with Government.
ICTs can provide benefits in participation to:
People with limited capacity to engage in public life due to work or other commitments (such as carers)
People with restricted mobility due to lack of access, remote location or impairment
Those with a visual impairment who have access to appropriate assistive technologies (see Accessibility Standards).
Disability affects approximately twenty percent of the Victorian population. As indicated in Figure 5 disability status covers a range of degrees of impairment, from those within minor impairments (5.3 percent of the Australian population), to the profoundly disabled (3 percent of the Australian population).
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2004c:4
ICTs can play an extremely positive role in the life of people with a disability. While 47.8 percent of people with a disability use a computer and 39 percent access the Internet, Figure 6 indicates that strong use of computers and the Internet by those less than fifty years of age (ABS, 2004e:9). Evidence presented in Part IV indicates that the use of ICTs to participate politically by people with disabilities has been particularly valuable in Parliamentary experiences in Canada. In addition, Professor Stephen Coleman noted the high level of participation of people with severe disabilities in the UK Parliamentary consultation on stem cell research.
Overall, the Committee regards the test of good policy making in this area as the ability of government to:
Support the needs of disadvantaged members of our community to participate fully as citizens
Provide a multiplicity of points of access to services and policy making processes
Identify and eliminate areas of systematic discrimination or denial of access.
The State Government of Victoria, and the Parliament, should recognise that information and communications technologies provide an empowering means of social and political participation for some segments of the community. Where appropriate, information and communications technologies should be employed to facilitate public participation in addition to conventional means.
Notes |
|
In this Report the terms “webcasting” and “streaming media” are used instead. |
|
|
From an estimated total population of 4,917,000, Victoria had 3,281,336 enrolled voters as at June 2004 (Victorian Electoral Commission, 2004:1). |
|
Based on primary results from a regular survey of 494 Victorians undertaken at the end of 2004 (unpublished data extract). |
|
Vromen (2004), for example, cites the rise of “activist participation” focused on commercial issues (such as consumer boycotts or ethical purchasing) as a growth area for the political participation of younger Australians. |
|
Such as Telstra i-mode service. |
|
The Committee notes that significant progress on gender divisions have been made over the last five years. |
|